How was Pocahontas captured?

The Abduction of Pocahontas - Virginia Historical Society

The controversy in the Pocahontas abduction story rests mainly in that it happened at all. Pocahontas had been an early visitor to Jamestown in the days when Chief Wahunsenaca and his people were providing food to the desperate settlers. Her abduction several years later was obviously cruel payment for her and her father's kind diplomacy. But by 1613, the settlers no longer viewed the Powhatans as friendly (indeed they were at intermittent war with them), and Pocahontas:s value as a bargaining chip outweighed any feelings of gratitude the settlers may have had for her. (Plus, most of the settlers who knew her personally were either dead or had gone back to England.)

Whether the incident happened as Captain Samuel Argall described it has not been terribly controversial among historians, as most of the recent biographies and histories tell the story in pretty much the same way, although we've probably all become a bit more sophisticated about our understanding of the Patawomeck point of view. I don't know that I can add anything of historical record to cast doubt on the widely-held view of the story, but I think it's worth noting that we are relying on Samuel Argall's account via Ralph Hamor, John Smith and Samuel Purchas, and none* of the three reporters were actual witnesses of the events that Argall described. Smith and Purchas weren't even in Virginia at the time. [* I'm still trying to verify if Ralph Hamor was present in Passapatanzy or not; but it seems that he wasn't.]

The basic story is as follows:
In March 1613, Captain Samuel Argall sailed to the Potomac River to trade with the friendly Patawomeck tribe. Traveling so far to trade had become necessary due to the ongoing war between the Powhatans and the English. Argall learned that Pocahontas was visiting the Patawomecks, perhaps to trade, and he decided it was an excellent opportunity to capture her and hold her for ransom in order to persuade Wahunsenaca to repatriate a number of white settlers then living with the Powhatans, as well as to get him to return some tools and guns that had been stolen. To get Pocahontas onto the boat, Argall pressured Japazaws (a lesser chief, whose name has different spellings in the various accounts) to make it happen, saying that if he didn't cooperate, they would no longer be friends. Japazaws, understandably, protested, saying that his tribe would be vulnerable to reprisals by Powhatan. Argall assured him that the English would protect his tribe against Powhatan. He also offered a copper kettle as payment. Japazaws and his wife subsequently persuaded Pocahontas to board the ship, on the pretext that Japazaws's wife wanted to see it and needed Pocahontas to accompany her. If Argall is to be believed, the stratagem worked as planned, and the abduction occurred without a hitch. {For a more dramatic and detailed account, see the David Price version below. Original chronicler Ralph Hamor and John Smith's accounts are at the bottom of the page.]

My comment:
In recent years, the portrayal of Japazaws has become a bit controversial. In Argall's telling, it appears Japazaws capitulates rather easily and gives up Pocahontas for payment of a mere copper kettle. This seems much like the story of Judas offering up the whereabouts of Jesus for a few pieces of silver, so one has to wonder if this is historically accurate or a literary embellishment. John Smith must have seen the connection to Judas himself, as he referred to Japazaws as "the old Jew," meaning "betrayer" in his account (see early chronicler accounts below.) The interpretation of "Jew" as betrayer comes from John M. Thompson in The Journals of Captain John Smith (2007) p. 184.

Added 5/27/2019

I wrote "mere copper kettle" in the above paragraph, but actually, it may be worthwhile to quote Ben C. McCary, from Indians in t Seventeenth-Century Virginia, (1957) on the value copper had for the Powhatan Indians.

"The most highly valued ornaments were made of copper. It seems well established that the Indians had a small source of the metal near Virgilina, Virginia. The best known major source was the Lake Superior region.

The ownership of copper was limited almost entirely to the men and women of the better sort. Powhatan showed great avidity for copper, and whenever he visited the other werowances, he expected them to present him with "copper beads or vitall." He ranked copper with good meat, women, children, comfort, and hatchets.

Native copper had to be hammered into shape because the Indians had not learned the art of smelting. Breastplates, pendants, beads, head-bands, and various ornaments for the hair and ears were made of this metal. Chains of copper, and beads were also placed on the images of their god Oke, and on the bodies of their dead kings.

As soon as the English learned of the Indian's love of copper, they began to use it as an important article of trade. Copper would usually open the door for trade with Powhatan, or with the other chiefs. On one occasion, in the dead of winter, January 1609, when food was scarce, and when Powhatan did not seem disposed to trade, a copper kettle provided the stimulus and Captain Smith was able to bargain for eighty bushels of corn in exchange for it." p. 29, 30

Camilla Townsend, in Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma (2004) has the following explanation for why the Patawomecks agreed to turn Pocahontas over to the English:

"The Patowomeck were the most distant northern members of the loosely bound coalition of peoples who paid tribute to Powhatan. As such, they were probably the most recalcitrant of his subjects. Despite paying the taxes, they often had to deal with non-Algonkian enemy peoples in or near their territories and so experienced the least degree of security of any tribe in the network. In addition, their contact with northern peoples meant that they had access to a wide variety of unusual trade goods, such as furs, which were in growing demand. If they could strengthen an alliance with the English and become the local purveyors of European goods, they stood to become wealthy indeed. Freedom from the paramount chieftainship might have looked appealing. They also knew enough about the English to realize that Argall meant it when he promised English vengeance: even now, seven shipboard guns were aimed at the village of Yapassus." p. 103

The current iteration of the Patawomeck tribe has this on its history page of the tribe's official website:

"In the 17th century, at the time of early English colonization, the tribe was a component of the Powhatan Confederacy. At times it was allied with others in the confederacy, and at others, the Patawomeck allied with the English.

1612 The Patawomecks traded corn with Capt. Samuel Argall and made a defensive alliance with the English against Powhatan.

1613 The Patawomecks helped the English in capturing Pocahontas. Her mother is considered by most authorities to have been a Patawomeck woman."

(Retrieved from Patawomeck Indian Tribe of Virginia website Feb. 24, 2018)

From Paula Gunn Allen, Pocahontas: Medicine Woman Spy Entrepreneur Diplomat (2003)

"So, one can just imagine. Here comes the great white bird ship, and her chance to steal away from her duties and her burdens, her young husband and her ceremonial responsibilities, her chance to complete the truly important task her real vision and her spirit teachers directed her to complete. Of course, she goes for it. Wouldn't you? After all, she is 16 years old, a married woman, and all grown up. She knows what's right and what's wrong: right is enacting her vision; wrong is pushing it aside.

Of course, her abductors don't know they are actually the means - and ends - whereby the requirements of Dream-Vision culture, as they apply to her, are to be made real, part of the explicate order. She knows that they have their own agenda, and she has a plan about that. She will do as they ask; she will undertake to learn whatever they require, speak well, be always in her dignity and power, but amiable, compliant. There's a lot more at stake that [sic] just her wanton whims, after all.

Never mind they think they're gonna get food, guns, and what-all for their pains. Never mind that they hope to cow her "father," who isn't her father, but there's no point in pointing that out to them. They'd never believe a young thing like her anyway. Besides, she's a "salvage," as Smith writes, and she has "salvage" agendas of the manito and therefore of her own. She is savvy enough to know how ugly they would get if they knew she, with the knowledge and concurrence of the Council of Elders, was having them on." p. 124

My comments:
Paula Gunn Allen states here that Pocahontas was not at all duped into being captured, but with complete understanding of what would happen, purposely boarded the ship to fulfill her dream vision. Gunn Allen's inspiration for this viewpoint presumably comes from her Laguna Pueblo experience and from her academic background in literature. While I'm not terribly persuaded of the likelihood of this version, I do find it intriguing, and I applaud Gunn Allen's 'out of the box' thinking. I can't prove her wrong, as it amounts to speculation about Pocahontas's thoughts and motivations. Authors have been speculating about Pocahontas for centuries. I appreciate that Gunn Allen presents this as her belief about Pocahontas and not 'historic fact' handed down from her great-grandmother by way of oral tradition. And though the spiritual aspect of this telling is in conflict with my own tendency to accept only hard evidence and "facts," I recognize that this version has resonance with some Native American individuals. When I attended the "Pocahontas and After" conference in London in March of 2017, one of the Native American speakers referenced this book as having deeply affected her thoughts on Pocahontas. She said that previously, she had more or less dismissed Pocahontas as being a white man's creation, and someone who did not seem at all like an Indian ancestor. After reading Gunn Allen's book, however, she had a new appreciation for Pocahontas's possible motivations, and she became able to see her as a significant Native American of the past.

Interestingly, Gunn Allen asserts that Wahunsenaca (Powhatan) was not Pocahontas's real father, but rather a powerful chief with the honorific title of "Father." She seems to laugh at all of us (including, presumably the Pamunkey Indians) who can only imagine that Pocahontas was Wahunsenaca's direct progeny, as often stated by the original chroniclers. I'm not sure what motivated Gunn Allen to take this stance, but it may help to explain, from her viewpoint, why Pocahontas was not immediately ransomed after her abduction.

Stephen Carr Hampton, from "America, Meet the Real Pocahontas" at his blog, Memories of the People

"These facts are well-documented: Pocahontas was kidnapped by the men of Jamestown. Then, while in captivity, she was impregnated by and married to one of her captors, John Rolfe. Like one of the Boko Haram girls."
"Pocahontas was now 17. She was married to Kocoum and had a child. Because Powhatan feared the English might kidnap her, she moved out of her father’s village to another up Potomac Creek. But the English found her, killed her husband, and took her captive."
"Powhatan paid her ransom, so the English demanded a second ransom. Pocahontas’ captivity dragged on. They allowed relatives to visit her, but they would not release her."

My comments:
Hampton is a Cherokee writer from California. He clearly has a harsher view of the events surrounding Pocahontas's abduction than we typically see in the history books. I can't say I agree with his comparison of Pocahontas's marriage with John Rolfe to one of the forced marriages of the Boko Haram girls--Powhatan girls weren't abducted in great numbers (as far as we know), and I don't think any Boko Haram girls got to meet the queen of England--but I recognize this as a Native American viewpoint that would differ from the standard, English account. I have some gripes with a few of the details though.

"(Pocahontas) .... had a child" - There is no evidence of a child at the time, but since she was of child-bearing age and she was presumably married to Kocoum, it would be possible, perhaps likely, that she had a child. Unfortunately, there is no record of a child in any of the English accounts, the only accounts of Pocahontas's life from that era that remain.
"Because Powhatan feared the English might kidnap her, she moved out of her father's village ..." We have no idea why she was visiting the Patowomecks, though the English described it as a trading mission (not that they would actually know either). Hampton's reason for her being there is speculation, and doesn't explain whether the 100 or so other children of Powhatan were afforded the same security precautions. That seems highly unlikely.
" ... the English ... killed her husband" - There is no evidence of this. I don't doubt that they would have killed him had he tried to intervene, but there is simply no record of him being there, or whether he was even alive at the time. Maybe it happened this way. We'll never know.
"Powhatan paid the ransom so the English demanded a second ransom." - That's kind of an interesting take on the incident. I'll need to review the records again to comment on this. My recollection is that according to the English, the ransom wasn't paid in full, so the English maintained a hard line. I'll come back to this sometime.

Added May 19, 2019

John Pagano, in his recent book, The English Pocahontas - Ten Essential Questions (2020), wrote something that caught my attention. Commenting on the treatment of Pocahontas by the northern Powhatan tribes and by the English, Pagano wrote:

"She was betrayed first by native people who gave Argall the information, then betrayed and given up by the hosts that had her living among their Patawomeck community, and finally betrayed by her once supposed friends, the English." p. 9

Pagano is someone who knows his source material, and I'm sure he gave a lot of thought to using the word "betrayed." This word has a range of meanings and can refer to both a willful betrayal or an inadvertent one. Still, there's something about this word that bothers me. In the first case, the Indians who told Argall that Pocahontas was with the Patowomecks, we have no idea how that actually transpired. Did they reveal the information knowing she would be at risk? Or was the information revealed in passing? If Argall was their trading partner, they may not have imagined the scenario that followed. Use of the word "betrayal" in the case of the Patowomecks may be appropriate, but we should remember that it was a coerced "betrayal." Finally, there's the "betrayal" by the English. The English were at war with the Powhatans, and Argall and his crew, who were somewhat recent arrivals to the Chesapeake, had themselves never benefited from Pocahontas's visits as a child to Jamestown. Argall saw a chance to trade a valuable Powhatan hostage during a time of war, and it's obvious from his writings that he didn't give much thought to whether or not he was 'betraying" anyone. I don't actually want to defend Argall's abduction of Pocahontas, but I recognize that taking a hostage during a time of war, and which could have resulted in her quick release under certain circumstances must have seemed like a prudent course of action to Argall at the time. (Sorry Pocahontas. I can see my tendency to look at all sides of an issue is getting me in trouble here.)

Added 7/25/2020

David Price, in Love & Hate in Jamestown (2003), gives a dramatic, if slightly over the top account of the Pocahontas abduction.

"Almost as soon as Japazeus greeted him, Argall delivered an ultimatum: he must prove his affection by betraying Pocahontas into his hands that day. If he did, there would be a reward for him. If he did not, Argall said, "we would be no longer brothers, nor friends." p. 149.

Japazeus, understandably, blanched at the idea. It was absurd. Pocahontas, now around 16 years old, was well-known to be the great chief's 'delight and darling.' Selling the English corn was one thing; This would make him Powhatan's mortal enemy. No doubt, Japazeus pondered visions of being tied up, his limbs sliced with mussel shells, and then ...

Argall listened to Japazeus's objections, and assured him there was nothing to fret about. He would treat Pocahontas with the greatest courtesy, he said. If Powhatan were rash enough to wage war against Passapatanzy [the location of the Patawomecks], the English would intervene and beat him back.

On the latter point, Argall was talking through his hat. Japazeus took him at his word, though, and took the proposition to his brother, the werowance of all the Patawomecks. Surprisingly, after a few hours of deliberation, they agreed.

Once Japazeus gave his word, he was a model accomplice. He and his wife quickly conceived a plan to bring Pocahontas to the riverbank, whereupon his wife would act as if she were overcome with curiosity about Argall's ship. Accordingly, Japazeus and his wife brought Pocahontas on a stroll past the ship late that afternoon. There, his wife, (whose name, unfortunately, is unrecorded) asked if they could go aboard and look around. Japazeus turned her down with a show of irritation. His wife, pretending her feelings were hurt, started to sob--'as who knows not that women can command tears!' remarked Hamor in his account of the incident. p. 149

Japazeus, feigning pity for his wife, soothed her by backtracking and agreeing that she could go on board, on one condition. It would not do to leave Pocahontas, he told her. If Pocahontas would be willing to join them, that would be fine. Now his wife turned to their young companion. Pocahontas declined at first to go along--possibly she sensed that something was amiss--but finally acceded to her friend's 'earnest persuasions.' p. 150

Argall entertained the party with supper on board his ship, the Treasurer. Japazeus and his wife kept their countenances merry to set Pocahontas at ease. They gave Argall a good-natured kick under the table every so often, which Argall took to be a reminder of their eagerness for their reward.

He obliged them after supper. The visitors decided to spend the night, with Pocahontas in agreement, so he escorted Pocahontas to her quarters. Once out of Pocahontas's earshot, Japazeus and his wife told Argall proudly of the subterfuge with which they had conned Powhatan's daughter. For their pains, Argall gave them a small copper kettle and some even more trifling presents. The reward was not trifling in the eyes of its recipients, however: Japazeus could offer them to the Patawomeck god of rain, Quioquascacke, to placate him when the rainfall was too heavy or too little. The couple retired to their room on the ship with a feeling of satisfaction, the reward 'so highly by him {Japazeus] esteemed that doubtless he would have betrayed his own father for them.' p. 150

The next morning, Pocahontas woke up fearful and apprehensive. The murmurs of doubt that she felt the afternoon before had become full-throated voices of alarm. She hurried to the quarters of Japazeus and his wife and woke them up, urging them to leave for their safety's sake. Argall now presented himself and explained that Japazeus and his wife were free to go. Pocahontas, he said, would have to stay as his honored guest--at which, Hamor wrote, 'she began to be exceeding pensive and discontented.' Argall explained that her father had seven English prisoners and many stolen swords, guns, and tools, for which he would shortly redeem her. p. 150

To remove himself from suspicion, Japazeus expressed shock and outrage at Argall. He and his wife then went shoreside with their loot. Pocahontas remained as a prisoner, still unaware that Japazeus had been the engineer of her capture.[4]." {Price cites Hamor (1615), Argall from the letter to Nicholas Hawes (1613), and John Smith (1614?). He also cites Spelman (1609) for the name of he Patawomeck god of rain. p. 267]

My comment;
As strange and TV drama-like as this version of the abductions story is, the details included here were actually recorded by Ralph Hamor back in 1613 (see below) However,, when I read this account, I can't help feeling that it couldn't have quite happened this way (though obviously, I don't know for sure). Beyond the basic acts of Argall threatening Japazaws to produce Pocahontas, and him complying to protect his tribe, the rest seems like writer embellishment. I find the idea of Japazaws and his wife both quickly falling into the roles of starry-eyed sightseers for the purpose of deceiving their formerly honored guest, Pocahontas, and then kicking Argall under the table to remind him of their copper kettle, to be farcical. The story likely entertained readers back in the day, though, as it does even now. I also feel that it is this portrayal of Japazaws and his wife as eager accomplices in Pocahontas's abduction that motivated folks like Paula Gunn Allen and Linwood Custalow to create their equally imaginative but opposite versions.

James Horn tells the same story, but without the comedic elements. Compare this version with the one above and think about how differently Native Americans are portrayed in the two accounts. In Price's defense, we should note that the comedic details were present in the source material. However, Horn has evidently determined that those details were either embellishments or too unfair to the Indians, or a combination of both. From A Land as God Made It (2005) by James Horn.

"[Pocahontas] happened to be staying with the Patawomecks in the spring of 1613 to 'exchange some of her father's commodities for theirs' and visit friends. On hearing from some Indians that Pocahontas was in the area, Argall devised a plan to hold her hostage in return for English prisoners taken by the Powhatans in recent raids. p. 212

Approaching his close friend and adopted brother, Iopassus (also an old acquaintance of John Smith's), werowance of the Pasptanzie, Argall told him his plan and offered assurances that he would not harm Pocahontas. If he did not agree to cooperate, the captain went on, they would no longer be brothers and the peace between them would be at an end. If he did help and as a consequence the Powhatans made war on the Patawomecks, then the English would join them against Wahunsonacock's warriors. Iopassus reported this to his brother, the 'great King of Patawomeck,' who after a lengthy council meeting agreed to Argall's plan. Shortly after, Iopassus and his wife enticed Pocahontas aboard the Englishman's ship and, after a 'merry' supper, the Indians spent the night on board. The next morning, Iopassus and his wife were rewarded with a small copper kettle and 'other less valuable toies' and left. Argall informed Pocahontas she would have to stay on board and return with him to Jamestown." p. 212

A minor question that comes to my mind is whether or not Pocahontas's capture was premeditated or merely an opportunistic act. Grace Steele Woodward seemed to think it was planned. She wrote in Pocahontas (1969), "For several years the English had contemplated capturing certain key Powhatans and using them as hostages to force Chief Powhatan to negotiate." p. 151. "The plot may have originated with Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale, both of whom were now living in Virginia, or perhaps even with London Company officials. At any rate, Argall was enthusiastic about the idea. He was resolved 'to possess myself of her by any strategem that I could use.' p. 153

Woodward was a little vague on details of the "plot" to capture Pocahontas. She made it sound like Argall went to the Patawomecks with the express purpose of capturing Pocahontas. In fact, it's unlikely that Argall knew Pocahontas was there, but rather took the opportunity to capture her when he learned of her presence on the way to Passapatanzy..

Early chronicler accounts

Samuel Argall 1613, to Nicholas Hawes, from "A Letter of Sir Samuell Argall touching his Voyage to Virginia, and Actions there"

Whilst I was in this business, I was told by certaine Indians, my friends, that the Great Powhatans Daughter Pokahuntis was with the great King Patowoneck, whether I presently repaired, resolving to possesse myselfe of her by any strategem that I could use, for the ransoming of so many Englishmen as were prisoners with Powhatan; as also to get such armes and tooles, as hee, and other Indians had got by murther and stealing from others of our Nation, with some quantitie of corne, for the Colonies reliefe.

From "A TRUE DISCOURSE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE OF VIRGINIA" by Ralph Hamor, printed 1615

The general letters upon my knowledge, directed and sent to the honourable Virginia Councell, being most of them (though my selfe most unworthy) by me penned have intimated, how that the everworthy gentlemá Capt. Argall in the heate of our home furies & disagreements by his best experience of the dispositió of those people, partly by gentle usage & partly by the composition & mixture of threats hath ever kept faire & friendly quarter with our neighbours bordering on other rivers of affinity, yea consanguinity, no lesse neere then brothers to Powhatan, such is his well knowne temper and discretion, yea to this passe hath he brought them, and they assuredly trust upon what he promiseth, and are as carefull in performing their mutuall promises, as though they contended to make that Maxim, that there is no faith to be held with Infidels, a meere and absurd Paradox: Nay as I have heard himselfe relate, who is fide dignus, they have even bin pensive and discontented with themselves, because they knew not how to doe him some acceptable good turne, which might not onely pleasure him, but even be profitable to our whole Collonie, and Plantation, yea ever assuring him that when the times should present occasion, they would take hold of her forelocke, and be the instruments to worke him con-B2tent, and even thus they proved themselves as honest performers, as liberall promisers. It chaunced Powhatans delight and darling, his daughter Pocahontas, (whose fame hath even bin spred in England by the title of Nonparrella of Virginia) in her princely progresse, if I may so terme it, tooke some pleasure (in the absence of Captaine Argall (to be among her friends at Pataomecke (as it seemeth by the relation I had) imploied thither, as shopkeepers to a Fare, to exchange some of her fathers commodities for theirs, where residing some three months or longer, it fortuned upon occasion either of promise or profit, Captaine Argall to arrive there, whom Pocahantas, desirous to renue his familiaritie with the English, and delighting to see them, as unknowne, fearefull perhaps to be surprised, would gladly visit, as she did, of whom no sooner had Captaine Argall intelligence, but he delt with an old friend, and adopted brother of his Iapazeus, how and by what meanes he might procure hir captive, assuring him, that now or never, was the time to pleasure him, if he entended indeede that love which he had made profession of, that in ransome of hir he might redeeme some of our English men and armes, now in the possession of her Father, promising to use her withall faire, and gentle entreaty: Iapazeus well assured that his brother, as he promised would use her curteously promised his best indeavours and secrecie to accomplish his desire, and thus wrought it, making his wife an instrument (which sex have ever bin most powerfull in beguiling inticements) to effect his plot which hee had thus laid, he agreed that himselfe, his wife, and Pocahuntas, would accompanie his brother to the water side, whether come, his wife should faine a great and longing desire to goe aboorde, and see the shippe, which being there three or foure times, be- fore she had never seene, and should bee earnest with her hushand to permit her: he seemed angry with her, making as he pretended so unnecessary a request, especially being without the company of women, which deniall she taking unkindely, must faine to weepe, (as who knows not that women can command teares) whereupon her husband seeming to pitty those counterfeit teares, gave her leave to goe aboord, so that it would please Pochahuntas to accompany her; now was the greatest labour to win her, guilty perhaps of her fathers wrongs, though not knowne as she supposed to goe with her, yet by her earnest perswasions, she assented: so forth with aboord they went, the best cheere that could be made was seasonably provided, to supper they went, merry on all hands, especially Iapazeus and his wife, who to expres their joy, would ere be treading upó Capt. Argals foot, as who should say tis don, she is your own. Supper ended, Pochahuntas was lodged in the Gunners roome, but Iapazeus and his wife desired to have some conference with their brother, which was onely to acquaint him by what stratagem they had betraied his prisoner, as I have already related: after which discourse to sleepe they went, Pocahuntas nothing mistrusting this policy, who nevertheless being most possessed with feare, and desire of returne, was first up, and hastened Iapazeus to be gon. Capt.Argall having secretly well rewarded him, with a small Copper kettle, and som other les valuable toies so highly by him esteemed, that doubtlesse he would have betrayed his owne father for them, permitted both him and his wife to returne, but told him, that for divers considerations, as for that his father had then eigh of our English men, many swords, peeces, and other tooles, which he had at severall times by trecherons murdering our men, taken from them which though of no use to him, he would not redeliver, he would reserve Pocahuntas, whereat she began to be exceeding pensive, and discontented, yet ignorant of the dealing of Iapazeus, who in outward appearance was no less discontented that he should be the meanes of her captivity, much a doe there was to perswade her to be patient, which with extraordinary curteous usage, by little and little was wrought in her, and so to James towne she was brought, a messenger to her father forthwith dispached to advertise him, that his only daughter was in the hands & possession of the English: ther to be kept til such times as he would ransom her with our men, swords, peeces, & other tools treacherously taken from us: the news was unwelcome, and troublesom unto him, partly for the love he bare to his daughter, and partly for the love he bare to our men his prisoners, of whom though with us they were unapt for any imployment) he made great use: and those swords, and peeces of ours, (which though of no use to him) it delighted him to view, and looke upon.

link to "A True Discourse" at Virtual Jamestown: First-hand Accounts

From The General Historie of Virginia, New England and the Summer Isles by John Smith (1624) link
© This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.

1612.
        Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. Captaine Argals arriuall.
        How Pocahontas was taken prisoner.

        Since there was a ship fraughted with prouision, and fortie men; and another since then with the like number and prouision, to stay twelue moneths in the Countrie, with Captaine Argall, which was sent not long after. After hee had secreated and refreshed his Companie, hee was sent to the Riuer Patawomeake, to trade for Corne, the Saluages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found aduantage and opportunitie: But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine Argall, hauing entred into a great acquaintance with Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, euer since hee discouered the Countrie: hard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had beene many times a preseruer of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was neuer seene at Iames towne since his departure, being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe vnknowne, was easily by her friend lapazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship, for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the Saluage for this Copper Kettle would haue done any thing, it seemed by the Relation; for though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see one, and that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the poore innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part, the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to haue some conference with Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceiue hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie: so sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and vs, before she euer should see Powhatan, whereat the old Iew and his wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahontas, that vpon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees pacifying herselfe, and Iapazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore, and shee to Iames towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loued so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee trecherously had stolne.

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My comments:
John Smith was in England (or off voyaging somewhere) at the time of Pocahontas's abduction, and so in his account, he is relying on the writings of Ralph Hamor. He was nowhere near Virginia and so his account has no eyewitness validity. Hamor's account, too, was probably secondhand, and Smith just repeated Hamor's words (plagiarism not being much of a thing in those days), so the accounts are virtually the same and of unknown accuracy. Smith does take the opportunity to interject "and thus they betraied the poore innocent Pocahontas," showing at least some level of regret for what happened to her. Smith seems to throw his "old friend" Japazaws under the bus, saying "the old Iew and his wife began to howle and crie". In the end, Smith, being English, doesn't seem to disagree with Argall's general strategy, as he says that the swords, pieces and tools of the settlers had been "trecherously ... stoln" by Powhatan (meaning Powhatan's men). However, he is repeating Hamor's choice of words when he says 'treacherously stolen,' giving the account a 'copy & paste' quality.

The American History Podcast has an episode in its Jamestown series called The Kidnapping of Pocahontas. The account of the kidnapping itself is dealt with fairly briefly in this podcast, as Sarah Tanksalvala (the narrator) chooses to spend more time. on the aftermath and Pocahontas's life in captivity. A transcript accompanies the audio on the website. The kidnapping incident is discussed around the 1:00 minute mark on the audio, and the podcast runs about 30 minutes total. As much as I like this podcast series in general, I find it disappointing that Tanksalvala takes Custalow's claims about Mattaponi history seriously. Hopefully someday she'll stumble across my page on his fictional account..

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