What was the relationship between Pocahontas and John Smith?
- "Legend - and even worse, the Disney cartoon - speaks of a love affair between Pocahontas and John Smith; many Americans today actually believe that he was her second , English husband. There is no historical evidence at all for such a thing." (p. 142) - Rountree (2005) Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough: Three Indian Lives Changed by Jamestown
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Terrence Malick's 'The New World'
The idea that there was a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith has been around since the early 1800s, if not earlier. John Davis's publications, Travels in the United States of America and Captain Smith and Princess Pocahontas: an Indian tale, (1805) may have been the source of the apocryphal romance. Robert S. Tilton (Pocahontas: The Evolution of an American Narrative, 1994) said of Davis,
From that beginning, the love story angle really took off and had a 200-year run leading up to the 1995 Disney animated movie, Pocahontas, and the 2005 Terrence Malick movie, The New World, with Colin Farrell as an irresistible John Smith. But those movies are for entertainment purposes, and we should not expect to find within them a definitive response to the historical question of a romance that has stoutly resisted an answer for centuries. Today, historians may insist there was no romance, but since we can’t be 100% sure, movie-makers will always go with the most compelling story. That some Native Americans and a handful of ethnohistorians have a different opinion has so far not presented a roadblock to producers who smell a hit.
To be clear, historians today generally reject the idea of a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith. They usually point out the age gap - Pocahontas was about 11-13 during the two years of their interaction, while John Smith was around 28-30 during that time span. More to the point, there were no specific mentions of a romance in the words of the original chroniclers, and we certainly don’t have any words from Pocahontas on the matter (or any matter, unfortunately)..
However, many people interested in Pocahontas today are apt to be open to the idea of a romance largely because the movies present the story that way. And depending on which book on Pocahontas you open, and how old it is, the possibility of a romance is either weakened or strengthened by the imagination of the author.. Estimates of Pocahontas's age in books vary widely, ranging from 8 to 14, depending on the teller and how badly they want a romance to appear possible. John Davis, referenced above, made her 14, of which Tilton wrote, "He makes her fourteen to leave no doubt that a romantic attraction prompted her actions." p. 43. Frances Mossiker, whose 1976 book was THE Pocahontas biography for decades, also liked the idea of a romance. She cited Pocahontas’s participation in the fertility dance as evidence that Pocahontas had already reached puberty, which would make her of marriageable age. More recently, anthropologist Helen Rountree (2005) stated there was no evidence for., a romance” (p. 142).. Camilla Townsend (2004) suggested that Smith had sexual thoughts for Pocahontas, but that she would have had no romantic feelings for him (p. 76). James Horn (2005) dismissed a Smith-Pocahontas relationship as “overblown mythology.” p. 288.
While I favor the “no romance” answer to the question, I will nevertheless investigate the recorded information in detail and try to analyze what we know. Read on for author comments and for the complete story as told by John Smith himself. My conclusions about the possibility of a romance are near the bottom of the page.
- [John Davis] ... first recognized the potential of the narrative to be the germ of a great romance. Davis is also the first to subordinate Pocahontas's relationship with Rolfe to her more dramatic tie to Smith, and to posit that it was her love for the captain that accounted for her heroism. Tilton, p. 3
From that beginning, the love story angle really took off and had a 200-year run leading up to the 1995 Disney animated movie, Pocahontas, and the 2005 Terrence Malick movie, The New World, with Colin Farrell as an irresistible John Smith. But those movies are for entertainment purposes, and we should not expect to find within them a definitive response to the historical question of a romance that has stoutly resisted an answer for centuries. Today, historians may insist there was no romance, but since we can’t be 100% sure, movie-makers will always go with the most compelling story. That some Native Americans and a handful of ethnohistorians have a different opinion has so far not presented a roadblock to producers who smell a hit.
To be clear, historians today generally reject the idea of a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith. They usually point out the age gap - Pocahontas was about 11-13 during the two years of their interaction, while John Smith was around 28-30 during that time span. More to the point, there were no specific mentions of a romance in the words of the original chroniclers, and we certainly don’t have any words from Pocahontas on the matter (or any matter, unfortunately)..
However, many people interested in Pocahontas today are apt to be open to the idea of a romance largely because the movies present the story that way. And depending on which book on Pocahontas you open, and how old it is, the possibility of a romance is either weakened or strengthened by the imagination of the author.. Estimates of Pocahontas's age in books vary widely, ranging from 8 to 14, depending on the teller and how badly they want a romance to appear possible. John Davis, referenced above, made her 14, of which Tilton wrote, "He makes her fourteen to leave no doubt that a romantic attraction prompted her actions." p. 43. Frances Mossiker, whose 1976 book was THE Pocahontas biography for decades, also liked the idea of a romance. She cited Pocahontas’s participation in the fertility dance as evidence that Pocahontas had already reached puberty, which would make her of marriageable age. More recently, anthropologist Helen Rountree (2005) stated there was no evidence for., a romance” (p. 142).. Camilla Townsend (2004) suggested that Smith had sexual thoughts for Pocahontas, but that she would have had no romantic feelings for him (p. 76). James Horn (2005) dismissed a Smith-Pocahontas relationship as “overblown mythology.” p. 288.
While I favor the “no romance” answer to the question, I will nevertheless investigate the recorded information in detail and try to analyze what we know. Read on for author comments and for the complete story as told by John Smith himself. My conclusions about the possibility of a romance are near the bottom of the page.
Journalist David A. Price (2003) described their relationship thus:
These lines are merely speculation on Price's part, but they're not unreasonable.
- "If [Pocahontas] had originally pictured [Smith] as a captive servant who would spend his days making her beads and jewelry, their relationship had evolved to give her something of greater value: friendship with someone who shared her inquisitive sensibility. She was curious about the English, and she enjoyed being among them; in Smith, she had found an Englishman who could speak her language and requite her curiosity about the foreigners. Although Smith had practical reasons to encourage the visits--honing his Algonquian, maintaining lines of communication with an ally in Powhatan's court--he also formed an admiration for the 'nonpareil' and took an avuncular interest in her." Love & Hate in Jamestown, p. 77
These lines are merely speculation on Price's part, but they're not unreasonable.
Camilla Townsend, in Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma (2004), writes of Smith's possible sexual interest in Pocahontas and even hints at possible abuse. She writes:
On the point of Smith being able to sleep with Pocahontas if he had so desired, the relevant quote is "If he would he might have married her, or have done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindered his determination." p. 75 (Townsend), from The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia. This quote is said to have come from friends of John Smith (Richard Pots, William Phettiplace), but the documents are also presumed to have been edited by Smith himself.
On the point of lewd comments and possible abuse, the relevant quote is "So diligent were they in this business [i.e., charges against Smith], that what any could remember, hee had ever done, or said, in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantial oath, it was applied to their fittest use ... I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe for that I never heard such foule slanders ..." p. 76 (Townsend), also from the Proceedings.
Townsend gives credit to Rebecca Faery (Cartographies of Desire, 1999) for Faery's analysis of the "sexual innuendo" found in the Proceedings.
The text of the Proceedings can be found in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith at Virtual Jamestown.
{The Proceedings link is temporarily unavailable; sorry. - 11/3/2021}
- "He claimed that if he had wanted to marry Pocahontas, or to sleep with her, he would have done so, as absolutely no one could have stopped him--including Pocahontas herself, presumably. His own--or his friends'--summary of the council's investigation openly acknowledged that he had made lewd comments about her--or had even done things to her--in jokes ('mirth'), or in moments of sexual arousal ('passion'). Perhaps that is why, even as he reminded the people to whom he was defending himself that she was only a child, not yet fit for marriage, he raised her age by a good three years. Suddenly she was "no more than thirteen or fourteen" at the time, instead of her actual ten or eleven." p. 76
On the point of Smith being able to sleep with Pocahontas if he had so desired, the relevant quote is "If he would he might have married her, or have done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindered his determination." p. 75 (Townsend), from The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia. This quote is said to have come from friends of John Smith (Richard Pots, William Phettiplace), but the documents are also presumed to have been edited by Smith himself.
On the point of lewd comments and possible abuse, the relevant quote is "So diligent were they in this business [i.e., charges against Smith], that what any could remember, hee had ever done, or said, in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantial oath, it was applied to their fittest use ... I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe for that I never heard such foule slanders ..." p. 76 (Townsend), also from the Proceedings.
Townsend gives credit to Rebecca Faery (Cartographies of Desire, 1999) for Faery's analysis of the "sexual innuendo" found in the Proceedings.
The text of the Proceedings can be found in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith at Virtual Jamestown.
{The Proceedings link is temporarily unavailable; sorry. - 11/3/2021}
Native American writer Paul Gunn Allen (2003), referring specifically to Pocahontas's words at her final meeting in England with John Smith, wrote:
My comment:
I don't disagree with Gunn Allen on her main point, and her comment conforms to current historical thinking on this matter. However, I don't understand why she accuses John Smith of thinking Pocahontas was reacting out of romantic pique; there's nothing in his writings to imply such a thing. She's on firmer ground in her accusation against "later writers."
- "There is nothing in Pocahontas's remarks that refers, however tangentially, to romantic love. (p. 293). ... That anyone, either Smith or later writers, could mistake her accusations as words of anger felt by a woman scorned is one of the puzzles of the Pocahontas story in American cultural lore." (p. 294). - Paula Gunn Allen (2003), Pocahontas: Medicine Woman - Spy - Entrepreneur - Diplomat
My comment:
I don't disagree with Gunn Allen on her main point, and her comment conforms to current historical thinking on this matter. However, I don't understand why she accuses John Smith of thinking Pocahontas was reacting out of romantic pique; there's nothing in his writings to imply such a thing. She's on firmer ground in her accusation against "later writers."
In search of romance: analysis of all John Smith writings that mention Pocahontas
John Smith was a prolific writer in his later years, but he wrote in detail mainly about his exploits as a soldier and explorer. As fate would have it, readers some centuries down the road cared less for his tales of adventure than for the few lines he dropped that suggested the possibility of a relationship between himself and Pocahontas. Smith never actually explained their relationship, but every mention of her by Smith has been analyzed for clues, with far-ranging results. Theories have ranged from “Smith never actually met Pocahontas; he just dropped her name to bask in her reflected glory” to “they were friends and language tutors to each other” to “they were lovers” to “Smith was a child abuser.” We will, of course, never know with certainty what their relationship, if they had one, was like. The best we can do is look at the specific mentions of Pocahontas and see what possible interpretations we can glean from them and what conclusions historians have reached based on the thin evidence.
In the paragraphs below, I list all mentions of Pocahontas by John Smith in the order they were published and look for suggestions of a romance between them. Note that the Letter to Queen Anne (1616/1624) is listed earlier than The Generall Historie (1624) on the assumption that it was written and sent to the queen in 1616 (according to Smith), although it was actually published in 1624. My conclusions are at the bottom of the page, following the quotations from Smith.
A True Relation, 1608
First, we should not doubt that Smith knew Pocahontas, as Smith was the first person in recorded history to mention her in A True Relation, 1608.
[I should mention here the theory that there was more than one Pocahontas. Daniel Richter (2001) wrote: "...'Pocahontas' was a nickname, or even just a descriptive term, meaning something to the effect of 'playful one' or 'mischievous girl.' It is possible, therefore, that not every Pocahontas they mention was the one who later became famous." (p. 70) Facing East from Indian Country. We should note, however, that while it's reasonable there was more than one Pocahontas, just like there's more than one John Smith in the world, we have no idea if Richter has even read Smith's writings and if he can point out which mention of her could reasonably be a separate person. Having read Smith myself, I don't believe there was any confusion about who he was writing about.]
[Re. whether the True Relation mention above is the actual first mention of Pocahontas, Philip Barbour (1986), states “This is the first mention of Pocahontas in the True Relation as it was printed, but the casual way in which her name appears on the next page suggests that Smith's original letter had mentioned her before.” – The Complete Works, footnote 237. In other words, Barbour is suggesting the possibility that Smith had written more about her, but the reference or references were deleted.]
Looking at Smith’s words, what can we imagine about their “relationship”? In the 1608 mention, Smith was describing the arrival of Pocahontas (most likely in the company of warrior bodyguards, including the messenger, Rawhunt) to Jamestown to secure the release of the Indian prisoners the colonists held there. Smith commented first on her physical beauty and bearing, saying that her features, countenance (i.e., her expression and composure) and proportion (her body?) were exceptional compared to others. He then added that she had wit and spirit, i.e., charisma, that made her stand out above all of her people. (All this in a girl of about 11!)
There are several ways to look at these comments by Smith. From what we know of the entire body of Smith’s writings, we notice that he mainly stuck to the facts of what happened (as he remembered and chose to tell them) to provide a chronicle of events, and he almost never paused to admire women gratuitously in his writing. (He did, however, describe the queen of Appomattoc as “a comely young salvage” in A True Relation) These comments may have been Smith simply stating the reality as he saw it before him. In other words, Pocahontas was exceptional, and Smith was merely recording the fact of it. Another possibility is that Smith had some degree of attraction to Pocahontas, despite her being only 11. He noticed her, admired her, and his interest in her was inadvertently revealed in this rare mention of an attractive female, perhaps a child who had developed in advance of her years. Thirdly, there is the possibility that Smith was describing a consensus of opinion by fellow settlers. For example, if there was a general buzz in the all-male colony about the arrival of Pocahontas, Smith may have ridden the wave of their shared observations.
In any case, this meeting of Pocahontas and John Smith was for the business of negotiating a release of prisoners in the company of Rawhunt, and there was likely no opportunity for them to develop a relationship of any sort beyond establishing a diplomatic relationship, or possibly deepening one that had been started when Smith had been held prisoner.
And that brings up the next point, which is that this meeting, while the first known mention by Smith in his writings, may not have been the first time Smith had met Pocahontas. While we can’t say with any certainty that Pocahontas actually played a role in the legendary (possibly mythical) rescue of Smith, we do know that Smith had been held prisoner by the Powhatans for about a month. During that time, Smith could have encountered Pocahontas, and they may have established a connection of some sort at that time. That there was such a connection is suggested by the choice of Pocahontas as the emissary sent by Powhatan to secure the release of the prisoners. Some writers have described the arrival of Pocahontas as a reminder to Smith that he owed Pocahontas and Powhatan a debt (i.e., the rescue).
Camilla Townsend (Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma, 2004) believes that Smith had met Pocahontas earlier::
Going back to the meeting at Jamestown, Smith’s first known mention of Pocahontas, his words regarding her continue as follows (from A True Relation):
The following sentences conclude this first mention of Pocahontas in A True Relation:
A Map of Virginia, 1612
The next mention of Pocahontas comes in Smith’s 1612 publication, A Map of Virginia. He includes a list of Powhatan words as well as a few sentences in a glossary (“Because many doe desire to knowe the maner of their language, I have inserted these few words.”) Buried at the end of the list, Smith hints at spending time with Pocahontas in an effort to learn her language:
I am not certain that this really shows how Smith thought of Pocahontas, but it does hint at a friendly relationship, and possibly one that included mutual language tutoring. From a more sinister perspective, and one that could probably only come from a presentist 21st Century outlook, this scenario could hint at a weird uncle relationship, a la Lewis Carroll/Alice Liddell. However, that would require far too much supposition, and since Smith included the phrase as a simple example of Powhatan language,and we have no particular evidence to view it otherwise, I see no reason to blow this mention of Pocahontas out of proportion.
One unfortunate problem with this sentence is that it doesn’t indicate when the encounter with Pocahontas (if there was one) occurred. Was it during Smith’s captivity? During a visit by Pocahontas to Jamestown? On one of Smith’s excursions up the river? There’s no way of knowing.
The Proceedings, 1612
The next mention of Pocahontas by Smith in his writings comes in The Proceedings when the incident above of Pocahontas coming to Jamestown to secure the release of the Indian prisoners is repeated, though much more briefly (and interestingly, with no mention of the chief negotiator, Rawhunt).
[It is worth noting that these three early writings by Smith (A True Relation, Map of Virginia, and The Proceedings), in addition to not mentioning a rescue by Pocahontas during Smith’s captivity, also fail to mention Pocahontas being present at the naked fertility dance. Smith’s later writings would add her to that incident.]
The next mention of Pocahontas is a significant one for its implications of a relationship between Smith and Pocahontas. It comes in The Proceedings (1612), but in a section with uncertain authorship. Richard Pots and William Phettiplace, friends of Smith, are listed as the chapter's authors, but John Smith is presumed to have had a hand in its editing. The passage from which the following sentences come is essentially a defense of Smith's actions in Jamestown and a rebuttal to accusations of wrongdoing by Smith's enemies. The relevant passage is as follows:
These sentences, and those that immediately follow, contain much fodder for speculation. First, it states that at least one contemporary of John Smith (but we may assume others too) suspected Smith of being in a position to marry Pocahontas, and that she was indeed exceptional enough among the Indians that such an idea would have been reasonable, had it been true. The writers then suggest it was not true, given her age of 13 or 14, presumably too young for Smith (despite being several years older than Smith's own estimate of 10 in True Relation). This denial (if it was one) is weak in its wording, but even weaker considering that an age of 13-14 would make Pocahontas old enough to be married off by the Powhatans. (Rountree (2005) wrote, "They helped along the fantasy they were contradicting by adding a couple of years to her age" p. 142). In short, these sentences, while offering no proof of a relationship. open the door to the possibility of one, and state that the idea of a potential marriage between them existed in the earliest days of the Jamestown colony.
The passage then states that Pocahontas often came to the fort with provisions (the first mention of Pocahontas being involved in this), and that the provisions were specifically for Smith (presumably on Powhatan's orders). The passage states that Smith very much respected Pocahontas, and that she certainly deserved it, having risked her life to warn Smith of a plot by Powhatan against his life. These sentences seem to explain why Smith had a special place in his heart for Pocahontas, and that his feelings were reasonable considering the extraordinary services Pocahontas rendered to Smith and the colony.
These sentences are particularly interesting for being the first mention by Smith (and/or Pots/Phettiplace) of Pocahontas's visit in the night to warn Smith of a plot against him and his men. Some have described this as a second (but first in terms of appearance in the writings) rescue of John Smith. This story, while not as dramatic as the legendary rescue from head bashing at Werowocomoco, has the benefit of vague corroboration by Pots and Phettiplace. We can't necessarily place them at the scene, but we at least have their names on the document, and these two were presumably alive at publication. This is in contrast with Thomas Studley, who was already too dead to have authored the passage in The Proceedings he was given credit for.
The passage in The Proceedings continues as follows:
This section is the meat of the defense of John Smith, stating that he would not have inherited the Powhatan empire had he married Pocahontas, as she was not in line to succeed Powhatan. While this is a good point, we should notice that Thomas Rolfe, the son of John Rolfe and Pocahontas, inherited a large piece of property that is said to have come from Powhatan. Smith would have doubtless been granted some amount of land had he married Pocahontas. Instead, he returned to England empty handed. The part that begins "nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought ..." is Smith and his friends denying that Smith had any intention to marry her, and in fact, his thoughts about her were always pure and discrete. Not everyone today believes these words (see Townsend above), but this is the closest we'll ever get to hearing John Smith's thoughts on the issue.
The passage in defense of Smith continues:
These sentences are interesting, as they say that Smith could have married her if had so desired, but he chose not to. The words "...or have done what him listed" are loaded with implication. They could imply that Smith had had opportunities for sexual relations with Pocahontas, either consensual or otherwise. On the other hand, since we can't assume the writing was done with extreme care and attention to implication, the words may simply be repeating the previous point, that he could have married Pocahontas regardless of who objected.
The passage continues:
The lines "... what any could remember hee had ever done or said in mirth or passion by some circumstantiall oath ..." are also interesting and filled with implication. Townsend (2004, p. 75, 76) seems to read into them a kind of confession that Smith had sexually assaulted or abused Pocahontas. While I recognize that possibility, I also think we should consider these words with the presumed intent they were written, which was to defend Smith from allegations. They may be saying, "Hey, Smith joked about a lot of things like all soldiers do, but let's not take that too seriously" or something to that effect. They then say clearly that the accusations against Smith are false.
The passage continues with denials of any wrongdoing by Smith:
There is no mention of Pocahontas in these lines, but we are advised that all negative claims against Smith (including, presumably, those involving Pocahontas) were motivated by the desire of Smith's enemies in Jamestown to bring dishonor and disfavor upon him. With hindsight, we know this was to ensure that Smith never returned to Jamestown or had any further influence on the company or Jamestown affairs.
John Smith was a prolific writer in his later years, but he wrote in detail mainly about his exploits as a soldier and explorer. As fate would have it, readers some centuries down the road cared less for his tales of adventure than for the few lines he dropped that suggested the possibility of a relationship between himself and Pocahontas. Smith never actually explained their relationship, but every mention of her by Smith has been analyzed for clues, with far-ranging results. Theories have ranged from “Smith never actually met Pocahontas; he just dropped her name to bask in her reflected glory” to “they were friends and language tutors to each other” to “they were lovers” to “Smith was a child abuser.” We will, of course, never know with certainty what their relationship, if they had one, was like. The best we can do is look at the specific mentions of Pocahontas and see what possible interpretations we can glean from them and what conclusions historians have reached based on the thin evidence.
In the paragraphs below, I list all mentions of Pocahontas by John Smith in the order they were published and look for suggestions of a romance between them. Note that the Letter to Queen Anne (1616/1624) is listed earlier than The Generall Historie (1624) on the assumption that it was written and sent to the queen in 1616 (according to Smith), although it was actually published in 1624. My conclusions are at the bottom of the page, following the quotations from Smith.
A True Relation, 1608
First, we should not doubt that Smith knew Pocahontas, as Smith was the first person in recorded history to mention her in A True Relation, 1608.
- "Powhatan, understanding we detained certaine Salvages, sent his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old: which, not only for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people: but for wit and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country."
[I should mention here the theory that there was more than one Pocahontas. Daniel Richter (2001) wrote: "...'Pocahontas' was a nickname, or even just a descriptive term, meaning something to the effect of 'playful one' or 'mischievous girl.' It is possible, therefore, that not every Pocahontas they mention was the one who later became famous." (p. 70) Facing East from Indian Country. We should note, however, that while it's reasonable there was more than one Pocahontas, just like there's more than one John Smith in the world, we have no idea if Richter has even read Smith's writings and if he can point out which mention of her could reasonably be a separate person. Having read Smith myself, I don't believe there was any confusion about who he was writing about.]
[Re. whether the True Relation mention above is the actual first mention of Pocahontas, Philip Barbour (1986), states “This is the first mention of Pocahontas in the True Relation as it was printed, but the casual way in which her name appears on the next page suggests that Smith's original letter had mentioned her before.” – The Complete Works, footnote 237. In other words, Barbour is suggesting the possibility that Smith had written more about her, but the reference or references were deleted.]
Looking at Smith’s words, what can we imagine about their “relationship”? In the 1608 mention, Smith was describing the arrival of Pocahontas (most likely in the company of warrior bodyguards, including the messenger, Rawhunt) to Jamestown to secure the release of the Indian prisoners the colonists held there. Smith commented first on her physical beauty and bearing, saying that her features, countenance (i.e., her expression and composure) and proportion (her body?) were exceptional compared to others. He then added that she had wit and spirit, i.e., charisma, that made her stand out above all of her people. (All this in a girl of about 11!)
There are several ways to look at these comments by Smith. From what we know of the entire body of Smith’s writings, we notice that he mainly stuck to the facts of what happened (as he remembered and chose to tell them) to provide a chronicle of events, and he almost never paused to admire women gratuitously in his writing. (He did, however, describe the queen of Appomattoc as “a comely young salvage” in A True Relation) These comments may have been Smith simply stating the reality as he saw it before him. In other words, Pocahontas was exceptional, and Smith was merely recording the fact of it. Another possibility is that Smith had some degree of attraction to Pocahontas, despite her being only 11. He noticed her, admired her, and his interest in her was inadvertently revealed in this rare mention of an attractive female, perhaps a child who had developed in advance of her years. Thirdly, there is the possibility that Smith was describing a consensus of opinion by fellow settlers. For example, if there was a general buzz in the all-male colony about the arrival of Pocahontas, Smith may have ridden the wave of their shared observations.
In any case, this meeting of Pocahontas and John Smith was for the business of negotiating a release of prisoners in the company of Rawhunt, and there was likely no opportunity for them to develop a relationship of any sort beyond establishing a diplomatic relationship, or possibly deepening one that had been started when Smith had been held prisoner.
And that brings up the next point, which is that this meeting, while the first known mention by Smith in his writings, may not have been the first time Smith had met Pocahontas. While we can’t say with any certainty that Pocahontas actually played a role in the legendary (possibly mythical) rescue of Smith, we do know that Smith had been held prisoner by the Powhatans for about a month. During that time, Smith could have encountered Pocahontas, and they may have established a connection of some sort at that time. That there was such a connection is suggested by the choice of Pocahontas as the emissary sent by Powhatan to secure the release of the prisoners. Some writers have described the arrival of Pocahontas as a reminder to Smith that he owed Pocahontas and Powhatan a debt (i.e., the rescue).
Camilla Townsend (Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma, 2004) believes that Smith had met Pocahontas earlier::
- "That John Smith got to know Pocahontas at least a little during his days in Werowocomoco seems beyond doubt. She lived there, and her later life proved her to be both outgoing and curious. ... When she later made a brief appearance of only a few hours at the English fort, Smith called her 'the nonpareil of her country' in the report he sent home immediately afterward. If she had been a gorgeous fifteen-year-old, he might--for obvious reasons--have needed only a few minutes to decide that was what he thought of her; but he would not have come to such a judgement of a ten-year-old so immediately without any previous acquaintance." p. 59
Going back to the meeting at Jamestown, Smith’s first known mention of Pocahontas, his words regarding her continue as follows (from A True Relation):
- "He [Rawhunt, a Powhatan messenger] with a long circumstance told mee how well Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me, a Deere and bread besides for a present: desiring me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly, his litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also: not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate their libertie."
The following sentences conclude this first mention of Pocahontas in A True Relation:
- "In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church, and after prayer, gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers kindnesse in sending her: after having well fed them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes, arrowes, or what else they had, and with much content, sent them packing: Pocahuntas also we requited, with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them. "
A Map of Virginia, 1612
The next mention of Pocahontas comes in Smith’s 1612 publication, A Map of Virginia. He includes a list of Powhatan words as well as a few sentences in a glossary (“Because many doe desire to knowe the maner of their language, I have inserted these few words.”) Buried at the end of the list, Smith hints at spending time with Pocahontas in an effort to learn her language:
- "Kekaten pokahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock audowgh Bid Pokahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I wil give her white beads to make her a chaine.."
I am not certain that this really shows how Smith thought of Pocahontas, but it does hint at a friendly relationship, and possibly one that included mutual language tutoring. From a more sinister perspective, and one that could probably only come from a presentist 21st Century outlook, this scenario could hint at a weird uncle relationship, a la Lewis Carroll/Alice Liddell. However, that would require far too much supposition, and since Smith included the phrase as a simple example of Powhatan language,and we have no particular evidence to view it otherwise, I see no reason to blow this mention of Pocahontas out of proportion.
One unfortunate problem with this sentence is that it doesn’t indicate when the encounter with Pocahontas (if there was one) occurred. Was it during Smith’s captivity? During a visit by Pocahontas to Jamestown? On one of Smith’s excursions up the river? There’s no way of knowing.
The Proceedings, 1612
The next mention of Pocahontas by Smith in his writings comes in The Proceedings when the incident above of Pocahontas coming to Jamestown to secure the release of the Indian prisoners is repeated, though much more briefly (and interestingly, with no mention of the chief negotiator, Rawhunt).
- “… he sent his messengers and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him, of the injuries done by his subjects, desiring their liberties, with the assurance of his love. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction hee thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he fained to save their lives and graunt them liberty.”
[It is worth noting that these three early writings by Smith (A True Relation, Map of Virginia, and The Proceedings), in addition to not mentioning a rescue by Pocahontas during Smith’s captivity, also fail to mention Pocahontas being present at the naked fertility dance. Smith’s later writings would add her to that incident.]
The next mention of Pocahontas is a significant one for its implications of a relationship between Smith and Pocahontas. It comes in The Proceedings (1612), but in a section with uncertain authorship. Richard Pots and William Phettiplace, friends of Smith, are listed as the chapter's authors, but John Smith is presumed to have had a hand in its editing. The passage from which the following sentences come is essentially a defense of Smith's actions in Jamestown and a rebuttal to accusations of wrongdoing by Smith's enemies. The relevant passage is as follows:
- "Some propheticall spirit calculated hee had the Salvages in such subjection, hee would have made himselfe a king, by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatan's daughter. It is true she was the very nomparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares of age. Very oft she came to our fort, with what she could get for Captaine Smith, that ever loved and used the Countrie well, but her especially he ever much respected: and she so well requited it, that when her father intended to have surprised him, shee by stealth in the darke night came through the wild woods and told him of it. .." from Horn (2007) p. 113.
These sentences, and those that immediately follow, contain much fodder for speculation. First, it states that at least one contemporary of John Smith (but we may assume others too) suspected Smith of being in a position to marry Pocahontas, and that she was indeed exceptional enough among the Indians that such an idea would have been reasonable, had it been true. The writers then suggest it was not true, given her age of 13 or 14, presumably too young for Smith (despite being several years older than Smith's own estimate of 10 in True Relation). This denial (if it was one) is weak in its wording, but even weaker considering that an age of 13-14 would make Pocahontas old enough to be married off by the Powhatans. (Rountree (2005) wrote, "They helped along the fantasy they were contradicting by adding a couple of years to her age" p. 142). In short, these sentences, while offering no proof of a relationship. open the door to the possibility of one, and state that the idea of a potential marriage between them existed in the earliest days of the Jamestown colony.
The passage then states that Pocahontas often came to the fort with provisions (the first mention of Pocahontas being involved in this), and that the provisions were specifically for Smith (presumably on Powhatan's orders). The passage states that Smith very much respected Pocahontas, and that she certainly deserved it, having risked her life to warn Smith of a plot by Powhatan against his life. These sentences seem to explain why Smith had a special place in his heart for Pocahontas, and that his feelings were reasonable considering the extraordinary services Pocahontas rendered to Smith and the colony.
These sentences are particularly interesting for being the first mention by Smith (and/or Pots/Phettiplace) of Pocahontas's visit in the night to warn Smith of a plot against him and his men. Some have described this as a second (but first in terms of appearance in the writings) rescue of John Smith. This story, while not as dramatic as the legendary rescue from head bashing at Werowocomoco, has the benefit of vague corroboration by Pots and Phettiplace. We can't necessarily place them at the scene, but we at least have their names on the document, and these two were presumably alive at publication. This is in contrast with Thomas Studley, who was already too dead to have authored the passage in The Proceedings he was given credit for.
The passage in The Proceedings continues as follows:
- "But her marriage could no way have intitled him by any right to the kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought, or more regarded her, or any of them, then in honest reason, and discretion he might." from Horn (2007), p. 113.
This section is the meat of the defense of John Smith, stating that he would not have inherited the Powhatan empire had he married Pocahontas, as she was not in line to succeed Powhatan. While this is a good point, we should notice that Thomas Rolfe, the son of John Rolfe and Pocahontas, inherited a large piece of property that is said to have come from Powhatan. Smith would have doubtless been granted some amount of land had he married Pocahontas. Instead, he returned to England empty handed. The part that begins "nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought ..." is Smith and his friends denying that Smith had any intention to marry her, and in fact, his thoughts about her were always pure and discrete. Not everyone today believes these words (see Townsend above), but this is the closest we'll ever get to hearing John Smith's thoughts on the issue.
The passage in defense of Smith continues:
- "If he would he might have married her, or have done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindred his determination." Horn, p. 113
These sentences are interesting, as they say that Smith could have married her if had so desired, but he chose not to. The words "...or have done what him listed" are loaded with implication. They could imply that Smith had had opportunities for sexual relations with Pocahontas, either consensual or otherwise. On the other hand, since we can't assume the writing was done with extreme care and attention to implication, the words may simply be repeating the previous point, that he could have married Pocahontas regardless of who objected.
The passage continues:
- "Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Councel instructed, and advised what to sweare. So diligent they were in this businesse, that what any could remember, hee had ever done, or said in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall oath, it was applied to their fittest use, yet not past 8 or 9 could say much and that nothing but circumstances,10 which || all men did knowe was most false and untrue." Horn, p. 113
The lines "... what any could remember hee had ever done or said in mirth or passion by some circumstantiall oath ..." are also interesting and filled with implication. Townsend (2004, p. 75, 76) seems to read into them a kind of confession that Smith had sexually assaulted or abused Pocahontas. While I recognize that possibility, I also think we should consider these words with the presumed intent they were written, which was to defend Smith from allegations. They may be saying, "Hey, Smith joked about a lot of things like all soldiers do, but let's not take that too seriously" or something to that effect. They then say clearly that the accusations against Smith are false.
The passage continues with denials of any wrongdoing by Smith:
- "Many got their passes by promising in England to say much against him. I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe for that I never heard such foule slaunders, so certainely beleeved, and urged for truthes by many a hundred, that doe still not spare to spread them, say them and sweare them, that I thinke doe scarse know him though they meet him, nor have they ether cause or reason, but their wills, or zeale to rumor or opinion. For the honorable and better sort of our Virginian adventurers I think they understand it as I have writ it. For instead of accusing him, I have never heard any give him a better report, then many of those witnesses themselves that were sent only home to testifie against him." Horn, p. 113, 114
There is no mention of Pocahontas in these lines, but we are advised that all negative claims against Smith (including, presumably, those involving Pocahontas) were motivated by the desire of Smith's enemies in Jamestown to bring dishonor and disfavor upon him. With hindsight, we know this was to ensure that Smith never returned to Jamestown or had any further influence on the company or Jamestown affairs.
Letter to Queen Anne, 1616
The next mention of Pocahontas by John Smith comes in his letter to Queen Anne, which is problematic for its timing. The letter didn't see the light of day until its publication in Smith's The Generall Historie of 1624, though it is presumed to have been written in 1616 on the occasion of Pocahontas's coming to England. As the original copy of the letter has not been found (not unusual, actually) some people have doubts about it. Of course, there is no reason why it would have been published earlier (there was no Facebook in those days for publishing every occurring thought), but one has to leave open the very slight, but unlikely, possibility that the letter was written by Smith after the fact for the purpose of inserting himself into royal affairs in the public mind. Again, though, that seems extremely unlikely and there is no evidence for it. Slightly less unlikely, but still highly speculative, would be that Smith modified his draft of the letter before publishing it. Unfortunately, there is no way of knowing if that happened, so one has to rely on Smith's integrity as a historian. Personally, I have something like a 90% confidence in the letter as published, but I'm leaving open the possibility that it was modified in some way.
In any case, John Smith wrote more in this letter about his feelings for Pocahontas than in any other publication of his,. For the record, he also praised Nantaquaus, the presumed brother of Pocahontas, who he mentioned first as a person of "great courtesie" who was "the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit [Smith] ever saw in a Salvage". He continued, by writing:
Looking at these lines in isolation (i.e., without the additional context provided by what follows), we see that Smith evaluated Pocahontas as very compassionate and deserving of his respect, presumably for behavior that was not forthcoming from the other Indians he encountered. He could have been referring to her going to Jamestown with food for the settlers, or for her actions during his captivity at Werowocomoco. He continued with:
Here we see the clearest declaration of Pocahontas having saved his life and then going the extra mile to see him safely returned to Jamestown, or at least, this is how Smith interpreted the events. (We should note one clear inaccuracy, which is that Smith said he was prisoner for 6 weeks, when it was actually one month.) Smith acknowledges his debt to Pocahontas for his life and he also ascribes to Pocahontas his safe return to Jamestown instead of attributing his release to the good will of Powhatan.
A couple lines later, Smith continues:
Smith states here that the fledgling colony owed its continued existence to Pocahontas, who provided food even when the settlers were involved in intermittent skirmishing with the Powhatan Indians. Smith also gives Pocahontas the title of "Lady." which emphasizes her connection to nobility, presumably with the intent of gaining Queen Anne's sympathy.
The lines that follow are interesting:
Smith here offers three possible explanations for the extraordinary aide Pocahontas provided to the colony: 1) Pocahontas was an emissary of her father, or 2) she was God's instrument in His divine plan to maintain the colony, or 3) the aid was entirely owing to the personal good will and sacrifice of Pocahontas. While the first possibility is the most realistic one, it's interesting to me that Smith offers the two alternative explanations in the same breath, and they reveal Smith's gratitude for her actions, or at minimum his belief that these words would persuade Queen Anne of Pocahontas's merit to the colony.
Next, we see the second mention of the rescue in the woods in John Smith's writings:
As Smith had already referred to this incident in The Proceedings (1612), historians seem to accept this 'rescue' as having some basis in fact (in contrast to the legendary 'rescue' at Werowocomoco), though they are not necessarily on board with its significance as a rescue. Rountree, for example, wrote, "A warning to that effect from Pocahontas was completely unnecessary, but since it appears in two different accounts, {14} it could well have happened." from Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough (2005), p. 123. Rountree, with the benefit of hindsight, says the deed was "completely unnecessary," but we can't assume Pocahontas knew that, and it's not unreasonable to imagine that Smith would have appreciated the warning, considering the danger Pocahontas had faced in bringing him the message. In any case, Smith gives more significance to this 'rescue' than to the other more famous one, and he emphasizes the personal sacrifice Pocahontas performed for him and his soldiers.
The reference to Pocahontas's "watered eies [eyes]" is interesting. Smith is evoking desperation (and perhaps love) in her manner. Of course, this could have been an invention by Smith, but it's a hint at what he believed. Either that or a cynical effort to manipulate the Queen's emotions.
Smith's next lines repeat a point he has already made:
Smith was not much for self-editing, so he repeats the point about Pocahontas often coming to the colony with aid. Here he claims she was at Jamestown as often as she was at Werowocomoco, which we should construe as hyperbole. Smith points out that the continued success of the colony was due to Pocahontas, second only after God. This again emphasizes the high regard Smith held for Pocahontas, and indicates that he hoped the Queen would feel the same.
The lines that follow are:
Smith points out that in his and Pocahontas's absence, the colony descended into war with the Powhatans. However, when Pocahontas was captured and taken prisoner, peace returned to the colony, and she married an Englishman and became the first Powhatan Christian and had a child by an English man. The general facts, of course, would have been well known by the queen already, but Smith emphasizes them anyway, making sure to include his own critical role. Smith doesn't mention John Rolfe's name, which one might construe as a reluctance to elevate Rolfe's status in the drama, On the other hand, we see that Smith clearly understands the importance to the colony of the events he describes. We can't see evidence of Smith feeling regret that Pocahontas married someone else.
Smith next treats us to an impressively long sentence, the construction of which may have been an inspiration to writers like William Faulkner:
Under the apparent assumption that 'more words' equals 'more convincing,' Smith urges the queen to meet with Pocahontas, even if her husband (Rolfe) is not fit to attend with her, and even if Smith's own supplication is not worthy of the queen's attention. Smith then suggests an external threat, that if Pocahontas is not well received as she deserves to be, her negative reports to the Powhatans may result in their taking revenge on the colony, resulting in its failure.
Other than the mention of Pocahontas's virtue, want (need) and simplicity, we don't get any hints about Smith's feelings towards her here, We just know that Smith is going the extra mile to ensure Pocahontas's good reception by the queen, We have to assume, though, that the letter was actually delivered to the queen, and unfortunately, there is no evidence of that. I emphasize however, that we cannot assume there would be evidence.
Smith's letter to Queen Anne in its entirety at Encyclopedia Virginia
New England Trials (1622 re-print version)
In what appears to be the first mention* of the legendary Werowocomoco rescue of John Smith by Pocahontas, Smith writes:
When Smith credits someone with saving his life, it shouldn't be taken lightly. He describes Pocahontas as an instrument of God for freeing him from imprisonment by the Powhatans. This mention comes right after the Powhatan uprising of 1622, when anti-Powhatan sentiment was at a high, yet he chooses to portray Pocahontas as his rescuer.
* Note that when I say 'first mention', I mean first published mention, which would not include the 1616 letter to Queen Anne, which was not published until 1624.
The next mention of Pocahontas by John Smith comes in his letter to Queen Anne, which is problematic for its timing. The letter didn't see the light of day until its publication in Smith's The Generall Historie of 1624, though it is presumed to have been written in 1616 on the occasion of Pocahontas's coming to England. As the original copy of the letter has not been found (not unusual, actually) some people have doubts about it. Of course, there is no reason why it would have been published earlier (there was no Facebook in those days for publishing every occurring thought), but one has to leave open the very slight, but unlikely, possibility that the letter was written by Smith after the fact for the purpose of inserting himself into royal affairs in the public mind. Again, though, that seems extremely unlikely and there is no evidence for it. Slightly less unlikely, but still highly speculative, would be that Smith modified his draft of the letter before publishing it. Unfortunately, there is no way of knowing if that happened, so one has to rely on Smith's integrity as a historian. Personally, I have something like a 90% confidence in the letter as published, but I'm leaving open the possibility that it was modified in some way.
In any case, John Smith wrote more in this letter about his feelings for Pocahontas than in any other publication of his,. For the record, he also praised Nantaquaus, the presumed brother of Pocahontas, who he mentioned first as a person of "great courtesie" who was "the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit [Smith] ever saw in a Salvage". He continued, by writing:
- "... and his sister, Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloved daughter, being but a child of twelve or thirteene yeers of age, whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her."
Looking at these lines in isolation (i.e., without the additional context provided by what follows), we see that Smith evaluated Pocahontas as very compassionate and deserving of his respect, presumably for behavior that was not forthcoming from the other Indians he encountered. He could have been referring to her going to Jamestown with food for the settlers, or for her actions during his captivity at Werowocomoco. He continued with:
- "I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants ever saw: and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks fatting amongst those Salvage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine, and not onely that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to James towne ..."
Here we see the clearest declaration of Pocahontas having saved his life and then going the extra mile to see him safely returned to Jamestown, or at least, this is how Smith interpreted the events. (We should note one clear inaccuracy, which is that Smith said he was prisoner for 6 weeks, when it was actually one month.) Smith acknowledges his debt to Pocahontas for his life and he also ascribes to Pocahontas his safe return to Jamestown instead of attributing his release to the good will of Powhatan.
A couple lines later, Smith continues:
- "... such was the weaknesse of this poore Commonwealth, as had the Salvages not fed us, we directly had starved.
And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought us by this Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jarres have beene oft appeased, and our wants still supplyed; ..."
Smith states here that the fledgling colony owed its continued existence to Pocahontas, who provided food even when the settlers were involved in intermittent skirmishing with the Powhatan Indians. Smith also gives Pocahontas the title of "Lady." which emphasizes her connection to nobility, presumably with the intent of gaining Queen Anne's sympathy.
The lines that follow are interesting:
- "...were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I know not: ...
Smith here offers three possible explanations for the extraordinary aide Pocahontas provided to the colony: 1) Pocahontas was an emissary of her father, or 2) she was God's instrument in His divine plan to maintain the colony, or 3) the aid was entirely owing to the personal good will and sacrifice of Pocahontas. While the first possibility is the most realistic one, it's interesting to me that Smith offers the two alternative explanations in the same breath, and they reveal Smith's gratitude for her actions, or at minimum his belief that these words would persuade Queen Anne of Pocahontas's merit to the colony.
Next, we see the second mention of the rescue in the woods in John Smith's writings:
- "...but of this I am sure; when her father with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee, having but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies gave me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his furie; which had hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. "
As Smith had already referred to this incident in The Proceedings (1612), historians seem to accept this 'rescue' as having some basis in fact (in contrast to the legendary 'rescue' at Werowocomoco), though they are not necessarily on board with its significance as a rescue. Rountree, for example, wrote, "A warning to that effect from Pocahontas was completely unnecessary, but since it appears in two different accounts, {14} it could well have happened." from Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough (2005), p. 123. Rountree, with the benefit of hindsight, says the deed was "completely unnecessary," but we can't assume Pocahontas knew that, and it's not unreasonable to imagine that Smith would have appreciated the warning, considering the danger Pocahontas had faced in bringing him the message. In any case, Smith gives more significance to this 'rescue' than to the other more famous one, and he emphasizes the personal sacrifice Pocahontas performed for him and his soldiers.
The reference to Pocahontas's "watered eies [eyes]" is interesting. Smith is evoking desperation (and perhaps love) in her manner. Of course, this could have been an invention by Smith, but it's a hint at what he believed. Either that or a cynical effort to manipulate the Queen's emotions.
Smith's next lines repeat a point he has already made:
- "James towne with her wild traine she as freely frequented, as her fathers habitation; and during the time of two or three yeeres, she next under God, was still the instrument to preserve this Colonie from death, famine and utter confusion, which if in those times, had once beene dissolved, Virginia might have line as it was at our first arrivall to this day."
Smith was not much for self-editing, so he repeats the point about Pocahontas often coming to the colony with aid. Here he claims she was at Jamestown as often as she was at Werowocomoco, which we should construe as hyperbole. Smith points out that the continued success of the colony was due to Pocahontas, second only after God. This again emphasizes the high regard Smith held for Pocahontas, and indicates that he hoped the Queen would feel the same.
The lines that follow are:
- "Since then, this businesse having beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at: it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colonie, all which time shee was not heard of, about two yeeres after shee her selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the Colonie by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at last rejecting her barbarous condition, was maried to an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian ever of that Nation, the first Virginian ever spake English, or had a childe in mariage by an Englishman, a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well understood, worthy a Princes understanding."
Smith points out that in his and Pocahontas's absence, the colony descended into war with the Powhatans. However, when Pocahontas was captured and taken prisoner, peace returned to the colony, and she married an Englishman and became the first Powhatan Christian and had a child by an English man. The general facts, of course, would have been well known by the queen already, but Smith emphasizes them anyway, making sure to include his own critical role. Smith doesn't mention John Rolfe's name, which one might construe as a reluctance to elevate Rolfe's status in the drama, On the other hand, we see that Smith clearly understands the importance to the colony of the events he describes. We can't see evidence of Smith feeling regret that Pocahontas married someone else.
Smith next treats us to an impressively long sentence, the construction of which may have been an inspiration to writers like William Faulkner:
- "Thus most gracious Lady, I have related to your Majestie, what at your best leasure our approved Histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Majesties life, and however this might bee presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I never begged any thing of the state, or any, and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert, your birth, meanes and authoritie, hir birth, vertue, want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majestie to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her fit to attend your Majestie: the most and least I can doe, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her stature: if she should not be well received, seeing this Kingdome may rightly have a Kingdome by her meanes; her present love to us and Christianitie, might turne to such scorne and furie, as to divert all this good to the worst of evill, where finding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to your servants and subjects, would so ravish her with content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your Majestie and all the Kings honest subjects most earnestly desire: And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands."
Under the apparent assumption that 'more words' equals 'more convincing,' Smith urges the queen to meet with Pocahontas, even if her husband (Rolfe) is not fit to attend with her, and even if Smith's own supplication is not worthy of the queen's attention. Smith then suggests an external threat, that if Pocahontas is not well received as she deserves to be, her negative reports to the Powhatans may result in their taking revenge on the colony, resulting in its failure.
Other than the mention of Pocahontas's virtue, want (need) and simplicity, we don't get any hints about Smith's feelings towards her here, We just know that Smith is going the extra mile to ensure Pocahontas's good reception by the queen, We have to assume, though, that the letter was actually delivered to the queen, and unfortunately, there is no evidence of that. I emphasize however, that we cannot assume there would be evidence.
Smith's letter to Queen Anne in its entirety at Encyclopedia Virginia
New England Trials (1622 re-print version)
In what appears to be the first mention* of the legendary Werowocomoco rescue of John Smith by Pocahontas, Smith writes:
- "It is true in our greatest extremetie they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliver me: and thereby taught me to know their trecheries to preserve the rest."
When Smith credits someone with saving his life, it shouldn't be taken lightly. He describes Pocahontas as an instrument of God for freeing him from imprisonment by the Powhatans. This mention comes right after the Powhatan uprising of 1622, when anti-Powhatan sentiment was at a high, yet he chooses to portray Pocahontas as his rescuer.
* Note that when I say 'first mention', I mean first published mention, which would not include the 1616 letter to Queen Anne, which was not published until 1624.
Word frequency list of the above references (with modernized spelling and deletion of non-relevant text)
The General Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, 1624
Continuing now with mentions of Pocahontas in John Smith's writings, we get to The General Historie (1624), which represents Smith's effort to compile a complete account of English colonization in the New World and cement his legacy in English lore. It contains many references to Pocahontas, but it repeats most of the previous references above, and often with new or differing information. Smith also copies and pastes the accounts of others, such as Hamor, which makes it difficult to separate his own point of view from the authors he copies. It's further problematic because it comes some 15 years after the actual encounters and about 7 years after the death of Pocahontas. On one hand, you could consider it more reflective and showing a willingness to provide additional details, including information somewhat embarrassing to the author. On the other hand, we could say the details had likely become hazy in his mind, and the book may partially be an attempt to foster his own legend. In Smith's era, the line between 'history' and 'fiction' was not so carefully drawn in books of this type, If we apply 21st Century notions of what we should expect from a memoir, we are likely to be disappointed by its standard of historical rigor. Anyway, despite this duplicating much of what has already been said by Smith about Pocahontas, I will list the mentions of her in The General Historie, including some attributed to other authors. (Link to the complete text of The Generall Historie at the Univ. of North Carolina Library)
The first mention of Pocahontas in The Generall Historie comes in the dedication page (called Epistle Dedicatory in the Pocahontas Archive) to Lady Francis, Duchesse of Richmond and Lennox.
- "In the utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life." from Horn (2007), p. 203
Some early mentions of Pocahontas in The Generall Historie are usually ignored today, probably because they appear in the table of contents and lack exposition. They are as follows (with non-relevant entries deleted):
- "The third Booke.
Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.
1607 ... Captaine Smith taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he should have been executed, was preserved, saved James towne from being surprised, how they Conjured him;. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to James Towne. ....
1608 ...Captaine Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas entertains him with a Maske; ...
Powhatan's plot to murther Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas. from Horn (2007), p. 219, 220
The fourth Booke.
With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.
1612 ... how Captaine Argall tooke Pocahontas prisoner; ...
1613 ... the marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe ...
1616 .Dale with Pocahontas comes for England....
A relation [letter] to Queene Anne of the quality and condition of Pocahontas
1617 how the Queen entertained her; ..." from Horn (2007), p. 221
Not mentioned in the table of contents are the visits by Pocahontas to Jamestown, Smith's visit with Pocahontas in England, or her death and burial at Gravesend.
So can we glean any useful information from these entries? Not much. It's interesting that Smith has en entry in the table of contents for the death of Powhatan (in the 'fourthe Booke', but not one for Pocahontas.
The next mention of Pocahontas is a copy and paste repeat from what he wrote in A Map of Virginia re. what appears to be an example language exchange with Pocahontas. As in A Map of Virginia, it comes after a glossary of Powhatan words and expressions.
- "Kekaten Pokahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pokahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I will give her white Beads to make her a Chaine." from Horn (2007), p. 303
The next Smith mention of Pocahontas in The Generall Historie is probably the most famous and controversial one. While not the 'first mention' of the legendary rescue at Werowocomoco, it's the most detailed and compelling of all mentions.
- "Having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him aswell of all occupations as themselves." from Horn (2007), p. 321.
By giving us the dramatic image of Pocahontas laying her head over his to prevent his death at the risk of her own, Smith ensured their permanent place in history and legend. The mention in 1622 states only "... God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliver me ..." and the 1616/1624 letter to Queen Anne states "at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to save mine..." All of these statements describe the same event, but only the 1624 Generall Historie version offers up the skin-on-skin, head-on-head image that the world came to love.
So does this mention imply romance? The face-to-face contact may have suggested so. Smith states no age for Pocahontas in these lines, as he did in previous writings ("a child of tenne" in A True Relation (1608), and "not past 13 or 14 yeares of age" in The Proceedings (1612), so we're free to imagine her as a beautiful adult woman. On the other hand, readers at the time of publication would presumably already know some details about Pocahontas, including perhaps her young age. And Smith doesn't exactly build on the concept of a romance in subsequent mentions, as we'll see. The attractiveness of the scene may just as likely have been the image of a young child saving the life of the hardened English soldier, Smith. And since many ethnohistorians now consider this act by Pocahontas to be part of a role she played in an adoption ceremony, we must give some weight to the possibility that Pocahontas had no choice in the matter, i.e., she placed her head on Smith's at the behest of others (if, in fact it happened at all).
After Smith's return to Jamestown, Pocahontas apparently made repeated appearances:
- "Now ever once in foure or five dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger." from Horn (2007), p. 322.
This is the third mention in Smith's writings (after The Proceedings and 'Letter to Queen Anne') of Pocahontas coming to Jamestown regularly with provisions for the starving colonists. Smith words it as her coming with provisions for 'him', i.e., Smith himself to distribute among the colonists. This may be boastful on Smith's part, but it may also be possible that Powhatan had made the instruction that Smith was the point of contact, since he was the one who had (presumably) been adopted into the Powhatan confederation. Note also that Smith describes the visits as 'Pocahontas with her attendants," though it may more reasonably have been described as 'Powhatan's warriors-messengers with Pocahontas along as a symbol of peaceful intentions. It should also be mentioned that Smith first told of Powhatan providing food to the colonists (in A True Relation) with no mention of Pocahontas at all.
Another mention soon follows:
- "His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werawocomco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time was unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned." Horn (2007), p. 323.
Smith had just previously mentioned how Pocahontas came with provisions, and while his use of the word 'love' here,is somewhat ambiguous, I believe it refers to her compassion, mainly for Smith during the rescue at Werowocomoco, but perhaps also for the colonists for whom the provisions are provided.
- "To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas;" Horn (2007), p. 324.
Smith is again referring to the provisions generously provided by Powhatan, his sub-chiefs, and Pocahontas. The influence Pocahontas had on the matter of providing provisions seems doubtful to me, but I suppose we'll never know for sure. In any case, Smith wants to give her a share of the credit. She was the one who was there after all, not Powhatan.
The next mention of Pocahontas is a repetition from earlier writings, the mission sent by Powhatan to obtain the release of imprisoned warriors::
- " ... yet he [Powhatan] sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to have saved their lives, and gave them libertie." Horn (2007) p. 331
As in The Proceedings, the name Rawhunt is absent from this version, though we know from previous writings that he is among the messengers. Instead, Smith once again makes Pocahontas the central negotiator here, which was almost certainly not the case. We should note that the word 'love' refers to the love of Powhatan. When people look for romance in Smith's writings, we must remember that the world 'love' has a broader meaning than romantic love, and Smith uses it like we might use the word 'compassion'. When Smith includes the phrase "... for whose sake onely he fayned to have saved their lives", Smith is probably trying to portray himself as an able negotiator, but to the modern reader it makes him sound deceptive and insincere. Nevertheless, the reference to Pocahontas has the effect of elevating her in these types of interactions.
Smith seems legitimately appreciative of Pocahontas, as he repeats yet again that she came often with provisions for the colonists. In this case, Smith also acknowledges the chiefs who were involved in some way in the supplying of food:
- "But Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas;" Horn (2007) p. 324
The next mention of Pocahontas in The Generall Historie is another one of those situations (like the rescue) where Smith inserts Pocahontas into a story where she had previously been absent. This obviously raises some red flags: The first paragraph below and the phrase in bold were added to a nearly identical story from The Proceedings:
- "Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner.
In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the English betooke themselves to their armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended, and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred in like manner they departed.
Having reaccomodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? love you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing about them; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging.
Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
Some other us'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting." from Horn (2007) p. 356
This story in The Proceedings of 1612 may have seemed exotic and titillating in its time, but by adding the name Pocahontas to the mix in 1624, the story must have become legendary. But what can we make of this for sure? No one can assert that Pocahontas wouldn't have been there, regardless of whether Smith mentioned her or not.. Smith's use of "Pocahontas and her women" suggests to modern ears that she was the leader of the group, yet we can't assume that was the case. We might imagine that Pocahontas, if she were there, may have only played a small part not meriting mention in 1612. Then, in 1624, when Pocahontas had become well-known in England, it appeared advantageous to Smith to elevate her role in the drama. Of course, there's also the possibility she wasn't there at all, or that it happened as Smith described. Ultimately, it's all speculation, and I'm irritated at Smith for giving us two versions of the story.
While I'm mainly concerned (in 2019) with whether or not Pocahontas actually participated as described in Smith's second telling of the story, Frances Mossiker back in 1976 had already assumed as fact the most extreme interpretation of what transpired that night. Her telling of it may have contributed much to the general idea of a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith in the lead up to the Disney and Mallick movies about Pocahontas.
- "As for Pocahontas, given her role in this pageant, there can no longer by any question of her nubility. As of the autumn of 1608, she was, clearly, no longer a child, but a mature woman, playing a woman's role in an orgiastic tribal fertility rite -- 'the infernall passions' into which the dancers fell, by Smith's description, quite possibly enactments of the procreative act, as in the Hopi kivas.
As for Captain Smith, gallant as he may be elsewhere on the subject, protesting his profound respect for the princess as well as for the woman, here, in these passages from The Map of Virginia and the Generall Historie, he steps out of character - the character of the parfit, gentil knight he has assumed vis-a-vis Pocahontas. Here, he is cynical. He smirks as he relates his encounter with the thirty naked dancing girls and their leader:
[Quoting Smith] 'This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit in baskets, fish and flesh in wooden platters; beans and pease there wanted not (for 20 hogges), nor any Salvage daintie their invention could devise; some attending [serving] others singing and dancing about them.
This mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands (instead of torches), they conducted him to his lodging.'
The paragraph ends abruptly; the ending is inconclusive, tantalizing to even the most sluggish imagination. The last glimpse to be had of Pocahontas, by Smith's account, is as she lights his way to the longhouse, to the raised platform bed strewn with mats, pine-boughs, and raccoon-skins, where he was to pass the night. There is no hint as to whether she leaves him there or stays to share his couch, whether it is a consummation of the intimate communion they shared at the altar-stone the previous winter, or the continuation of an established year-long liason.
Smith, as if his revelations were already far more extensive than he had intended, breaks off abruptly, in mid-sentence; retires into his customary reticence on the subject of interracial sex. [20]
The firebrands are extinguished, darkness and silence overtake the longhouses of Werowocomoco."
- from Pocahontas: the Life and the Legend (1976) by Frances Mossiker, p. 113, 114.
I'll try to take Mossiker's calling out my "sluggish imagination" in stride, but I have to wonder how she could have been so certain about Pocahontas's and Smith's intentions when Pocahontas wasn't even a character in Smith's first version of the story.
The next mention of Pocahontas is when Smith offers up the most detailed account of the night 'rescue' in the woods. This is the third time this story appears in Smith's writings, the first being in The Proceedings of 1612, and the second being in the letter to Queen Anne of 1616:
- "Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to have the head of Captaine Smith; for if they could but kill him, they thought all was theirs, neglected not any opportunity to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could devise, spent the time till night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper.
Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did prevent him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest iewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be sent us by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would after come kill us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with our owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live, shee wished us presently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he would have given her: but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to have any: for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came." from Horn (2007) p. 374
It seems likely that this story is based on fact, since Smith told it soon after arriving back in England, told the same story several times, and the story doesn't involve him alone, like the first rescue, but rather involves Smith with many witnesses. There's no evidence anyone disputed it, though we can't assume all relevant records have survived. Even Rountree conceded it may have happened. {"...since it appears in two different accounts [14], it could well have happened." - Rountree, Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough (2005), p. 123.]
There is much fodder for speculation in these lines. We can wonder about Pocahontas's deep feelings for Smith, but also whether Smith portrayed her accurately. We can see Smith trying to liven up the story and make himself into a heroic figure facing possible death, and one worthy enough to cause Pocahontas to risk her own life to save his yet again.. We can wonder if Pocahontas really betrayed her tribe in order to protect the English settlers, but perhaps excuse her for feeling responsible as an intermediary between the two groups. A more extreme speculation might have her fulfilling Powhatan's wishes by warning them to leave, thus preventing a conflict. I rather dislike this entire story, as it doesn't ring true in my mind, but I can't dispute it convincingly and with historical evidence.
The next mention of Pocahontas by Smith, which will be the last mention of an incident occurring during the time Smith was in Jamestown, is between Pocahontas and a Richard Wyffin. However, Smith was not present during the incident, so he either heard of it later while in Jamestown, or perhaps much later while compiling The Generall Historie:
- "In this Journey he [Richard Wyffin] was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan, perceiving such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him; but by her meanes and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three dayes travell, at length he found us in the middest of these turmoyles." from Horn (2007) p. 380
This mention of Pocahontas is somewhat unique in that it portrays Pocahontas helping a colonist (Wyffin) rather than Smith, who is usually the recipient of Pocahontas's aide in Smith's accounts. One could see this as a rare example of Pocahontas helping the settlers in a way that doesn't specifically benefit Smith or elevate his role in the Jamestown story.
[From here until the meeting in England, Smith is relying on the reports of others when he mentions Pocahontas, as he was nowhere near the action and had had no contact with her for years. Basically, what follows is the "copy & paste" style report of the 17th Century. Most of these mentions of Pocahontas reveal little to nothing about Smith's feelings for Pocahontas, in my view.]
Smith takes the following account from William Simmons 'Doctor of Divinitie':
- "But ere all was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickelmore, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore upon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as carelesse as himselfe, were all slaine, onely Jeffrey Shortridge escaped, and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saved a boy called Henry Spilman, that lived many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst the Patawomekes." Horn (2007) p. 410
This story shows Pocahontas helping Spelman, which again shows that her aide extended to people besides John Smith.
Smith's account of Pocahontas's abduction is a rewrite of Ralph Hamor's story:
- "... it happened. Captaine Argall, having entred into a great acquaintance with Japazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, ever since hee discovered the Countrie: hard by him there was Pocahontas,whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had beene many times a preserver of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was never seene at James towne since his departure, being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe unknowne, was easily by her friend Japazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship, for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the Salvage for this Copper Kettle would have done any thing, it seemed by the Relation; for though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see one, and that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee was content: and thus they betraied the poore innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin. Japazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part, the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to have some conference with Japazaws, which was onely that she should not perceive hee was any way guiltie of her captivitie: so sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and us, before she ever should see Powhatan, whereat the old Jew and his wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahontas, that upon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees pacifying herselfe, and Japazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore, and shee to James towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loved so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee trecherously had stolne." from Horn (2007) p. 423
In Smith's wording of Hamor's story, Smith describes Pocahontas as "poor innocent Pocahontas" who was betrayed by Japazaws. This shows that Smith felt pity for Pocahontas under the circumstances. Smith somewhat confusingly describes Japazaws as both "an old friend" and "the old Jew". The description of Powhatan having "trecherously stolen" some weapons and tools seems rather harsh, but Smith is just appropriating Hamor's words here.
Smith continues to quote Hamor. The passage reveals nothing about Smith's thoughts on Pocahontas.
- "This unwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee loved both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three moneths after ere hee returned us any answer: then by the perswasion of the Councell, he returned seven of our men, with each of them an unseruiceable Musket, and sent us word, that when wee would deliver his daughter, hee would make us satisfaction for all iniuries done us, and give us five hundred bushels of Corne, and for ever be friends with us. That he sent, we received in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should be well used, but we could not beleeve the rest of our armes were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, we would keepe his daughter." from Horn (2007) p. 424
More quotes from Hamor, revealing little to nothing about Smith's thoughts on Pocahontas.
- "This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no more from him a long time after, when with Captaine Argals ship, and some other vessels belonging to the Colonie, Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went up into his owne Ríver, to his chiefe habitation, with his daughter; with many scornfull bravado's they affronted us, proudly demanding why wee came thither; our reply was, Wee had brought his daughter, and to receive the ransome for her that was promised, or to have it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told us, We were welcome if wee came to fight, for they were provided for us, but advised us, if wee loued our lives to retire; else they would use us as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe: We told them, wee would presently have a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among us in the ship." from Horn (2007) p. 424
- "Upon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came unto us to see their sister, at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the contrarie, they much rejoiced, promising they would perswade her father to redeeme her, and for ever be friends with us." from Horn (2007) p. 425
- "Long before this, Master Iohn Rolfe, an honest Gentleman, and of good behaviour, had beene in love with Pocahontas, and she with him, which thing at that instant I [Hamor} made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, where in hee intreated his advice, and she acquainted her brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approved: the brute of this mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation there of, as his deputie; which was accordingly done about the first of Aprill: And ever since wee have had friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all his subiects. " from Horn (2007) p. 425, 426
- "The first thing he {Powhatan} did, he offered me {Hamor} a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and unknowne sonne, and how they lived, loved and liked; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not live againe with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my comming ..." from Horn (2007) p. 429
{After Hamor's request, on behalf of Sir Thomas Dale, for another of Powhatan's daughters (attributed to William Parker, who interpreted); nothing is revealed of Smith's thoughts re. Pocahontas.}
- "That I [Powhatan} desire no former assurance of his {Dale's} friendship, than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she lives shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall have another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to bereave me of my two children at once." from Horn (2007) p. 430
More quotes from Hamor, revealing little to nothing about Smith's thoughts on Pocahontas.
- "While I {Hamor} here remained, by chance came an Englishman [Parker], whom there had beene surprized three yeeres agoe at Fort Henry, growne so like, both in complexion and habit like a Salvage, I knew him not, but by his tongue: hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre urged Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You have one of my daughters, and I am content, but you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you must have him away, or breake friendship; if you must needs have him, you shall goe home without guides, and if any evill befall you, thanke your selves" from Horn (2007) p. 430, 431
- "... when we departed, having furnished us well with provision, he gave each of us a Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter: And so we returned to Iames towne." from Horn p. 431
p. 431
I [Smith?} have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a third by Master Iohn Rolfe; how carefull they were to instruct her in Christianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof, after she had beene some time thus tutored, shee never had desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the society of her owne nation: the true affection she constantly bare her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured for her love, as he deeply protested, was wonderfull, and she openly renounced her countries idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized, Horn (2007) p. 431
In the next two mentions, Smith records the arrival of Pocahontas to England. Smith was not actually a witness to these events.
- "... Sir Thomas Dale, having setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice of one Master George Yearly, to be Deputy-Governour in his absence, and so returned for England, accompanied with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her husband, and arrived at Plimmoth the 12. of Iune, 1616". Horn (2007) p. 436
- During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master Iohn Rolfe her husband and his friends, as taught to speake such English as might well bee understood, well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very formall and civill after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she loved most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and it, besides there were divers persons of great ranke and qualitie had beene very kinde to her; and before she arrived at London, Captaine Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie and her Court, and writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene: Horn (2007) p. 439
Smith's words in the above seem very deferential to the Virginia Company and rather neutral as regards Pocahontas. He seems to be emphasizing his own involvement in the second example.
Letter to Queen Anne (see above); Horn, p. 440
In one more instance, Smith is able to write from personal experience, as he has a final encounter with Pocahontas in England.
- "Being about this time preparing to set saile for New-England, I could nor stay to doe her that service I desired, and she well deserved; but hearing shee was at Branford with divers of my friends, I went to see her: After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humour her husband, with divers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to have writ she could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done: saying, You did promise Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you: which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings daughter; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people (but mee) and feare you here I should call you father; I tell you then I will, and you shall call mee childe, and so I will bee for ever and ever your Countrieman. They did tell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth you Powhatan did command Uttamatomakkin to seeke you, and know the truth, because your Countriemen will lie much." Horn (2007) p. 442
After a paragraph about Uttamatomakkin, Smith devotes a paragraph to how those around him viewed Pocahontas:
- "The small time I staid in London, divers Courtiers and others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great hand in her conversion, and they have seene many English Ladies worse favoured, proportioned and behavioured, and as since I have heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes Maiestie honourably to esteeme her; accompanied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and divers other persons of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would haue deserved, had she lived to arrive in Virginia. " Horn (2007) p. 443
Smith records the death of Pocahontas, an event to which he was not a witness.
- "THE Treasurer, Councell and Companie, having well furnished Captaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God at Gravesend to take this young Lady to his mercie, where shee made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than ioy to the beholders, to heare and see her make so religious and godly an end. Her little childe Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it." Horn (2007) p. 443
Although the words for Pocahontas are sympathetic, I can't help but feel they're a little brief, considering how often Smith said she saved the lives of himself and the colonists.
p. 512
Six weeks I was led captive by those Barbarians, though some of my men were slaine, and the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to Iames towne, and relerve our wants Horn (2007) p. 512
The True Travels, 1630
TO MY WORTHY FRIEND, Captaine John Smith.
Two greatest Shires of England did thee beare,
Renowned Yorkshire, Gaunt-stild Lancashire;
But what's all this? even Earth, Sea, Heaven above,
Tragabigzanda, Callamata's love,
Deare Pocahontas, Madam Shanoi's too,
Who did what love with modesty could doe:
Record they worth, thy birth, which as I live,
Even in thy reading such choice solace give,
As I could wish (such wishes would doe well)
Many such Smiths in this our Israel.
R. Brathwait. from Horn (2007) p. 679
P. 767
Now to conclude the travels and adventures of Captaine Smith; how first he planted Virginia, and was set ashore with about an hundred men in the wilde woods; how he was taken prisoner by the Savages, by the King of Pamaunke tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up and downe their Country to be shewed for a wonder; fatted as he thought, for a sacrifice for their Idoll; before whom they conjured him three dayes, with strange dances and invocations; then brought him before their Emperor Powhatan, that commanded him to be slaine; how his daughter Pocahontas saved his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him and his famished country, which was but eight and thirty to possesse those large dominions; how he discovered all the severall nations upon the rivers falling into the Bay of Chisapeacke; stung neere to death with a most poysoned taile of a fish called Stingray; how Powhatan out of his Country, tooke the Kings of Paumaunke and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of those Kings to pay him contribution, subjected all the Savages: how Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned for England to be cured. from Horn (2007) p. 767
Conclusions re. possibility of a romance based on Smith's writings
Having analyzed all of John Smith's mentions of Pocahontas in order of publication, what can I conclude about a romance between the two? Here are my take-aways:
Having analyzed all of John Smith's mentions of Pocahontas in order of publication, what can I conclude about a romance between the two? Here are my take-aways:
- Not surprisingly, there is no explicit mention of a romance, and any hints of a romance require speculation.
- The most common feeling we can ascribe to Smith is his appreciation for Pocahontas helping him and the colonists, both with provisions and with actions that may possibly have saved their lives.
- Regardless of one's thoughts on the legendary rescue, Smith seems to believe (or had convinced himself) that Pocahontas had been involved somehow in his release.
- Smith was attracted to Pocahontas in a way that is difficult to pin down. His reference to her being "not only for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people: but for wit and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country" suggests a physical attraction, though he also says she was a child of ten. The number of mentions also hints at a stronger interest than he showed for other women.
- The passage in The Proceedings (1612) that indicated Smith could have married her if he wished indicates to me that some contemporaries of Smith were thinking of that as a possibility. If Pocahontas was 13 or 14 and had reached puberty (sexual maturity), she would have been of marriageable age.
- Smith placing Pocahontas at the naked fertility dance in the woods where the women afterwards invite the settlers to their lodges seems to invite readers to read between the lines. However, Smith also describes the invitations of the women as "tedious", so it's anyone's guess as to what Smith was really thinking here. And again, Pocahontas only appears in the second telling of this story, so we have to wonder if the account is even accurate.
- The account of the second 'rescue' in the woods suggests deep feelings for John Smith on the part of Pocahontas. However, we have only the English side of this story, so it's difficult to know how much has been embellished. Writer David Price wrote, "Her forewarning Smith points toward strong feelings of attraction on her part, or, if not that, then some other extraordinarily powerful motive." (Price, p. 103.)
- The final meeting between Smith and Pocahontas in England suggests a prior relationship (though not necessarily a romantic one) that was now under strain.
- I don't think we can rule out Smith having special thoughts for Pocahontas, Whether Pocahontas felt the same would be total conjecture, and the only 'evidence' we have for that would be Smith's own writings, which a) reflect Smith's personal point of view, and b) do not specifically address a romance between them.
Summary / Conclusion
The idea of a romance in Smith's writings seems to be a result of two things: 1) Smith's long-running interest in Pocahontas, who appears in his accounts on numerous occasions, reaping much praise, and 2) the comment in The Proceedings (presumably not by Smith) that suggested Smith could have married Pocahontas and become king of the territory. Otherwise, there is no mention of a romance, and most of the mythology surrounding a romance seems to be a result of a centuries old game of telephone, where writers expanded on the romantic conclusions of those before them, creating a love story that people just want to believe. We will never know what kind of a relationship existed between these two extraordinary people, but we should be aware that when writers and historians attempt to describe it (as we generally expect and pay them to do), their conclusions still amount to speculation. We will never have a definitive answer.
A questionable statement ...
In the 2017 Smithsonian Channel documentary, Pocahontas: Beyond the Myth, a number of eminent talking heads appear happy to contribute to the already widespread misinformation about John Smith. In one case, David Penney, the Associate Director, Museum Scholarship of the National Museum of the American Indian, blames the writings of John Smith for the mostly 19th Century and after notion that there was a romance between Smith and Pocahontas. The quote from the video is:
In the 2017 Smithsonian Channel documentary, Pocahontas: Beyond the Myth, a number of eminent talking heads appear happy to contribute to the already widespread misinformation about John Smith. In one case, David Penney, the Associate Director, Museum Scholarship of the National Museum of the American Indian, blames the writings of John Smith for the mostly 19th Century and after notion that there was a romance between Smith and Pocahontas. The quote from the video is:
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Voiceover: He [Smith] also spins the romantic tale. From a literary point of view, it makes a much better story. Of course, she was around 11 years old; he was 27.
Penney: They certainly knew of each other, but the romance, uh, between them very likely was total fiction, on the part ...on John Smith's part. (dialog at minute 2:00 of short clip) |
I would really like Penney to show me which lines from Smith describe a romance between Smith and Pocahontas. My impression is that Penney is relying more on the commentary of other highly speculative writers than on evidence from Smith's own words. These Pocahontas 'experts' really need to step up their game!
More poor scholarship re. John Smith ...
I recently stumbled on a 1994 research article while browsing JSTOR. The title is "Pocahontas: 'Little Mischief' and 'The Dirty Men'" It was written by Betty Louise Bell and appeared in Studies in American Indian Literatures, Series 2, Vol. 6, No. 1, Feminist and Post-Colonial Approaches (Spring 1994), pp. 63-70. In this article, Bell pairs John Smith with a contemporary romance fiction author, Susan Donnell, and excoriates them both for speaking for Pocahontas. Their words, she writes, reveal little about Pocahontas, but much about themselves, none of it good.
To be fair to Bell (but perhaps not to Donnell), it appears that Donnell may have deserved the criticism, though I can't say for sure, having only heard of her from this article. But Smith, on the other hand, is poorly served, which is why I feel compelled to comment.
Among Bell's references to Smith are:
Now I have poured through the John Smith mentions of Pocahontas, and I have yet to find a reference to him teaching Pocahontas about sex and love. And to say that his writings about her represent ONLY his fantasies about her is clearly false. That Bell might think so could have something to do with her not having read any of Smith's writings, which is what I assume based on Smith not appearing in her list of sources.
Think of the irony here; Smith is a villain for presuming to write about Pocahontas, who wrote no words of her own. Meanwhile, Bell can write falsehoods about Smith because she can't be bothered to read any of his voluminous writings.
"Pocahontas: 'Little Mischief' and 'The Dirty Men'", by Betty Louise Bell at JSTOR
I recently stumbled on a 1994 research article while browsing JSTOR. The title is "Pocahontas: 'Little Mischief' and 'The Dirty Men'" It was written by Betty Louise Bell and appeared in Studies in American Indian Literatures, Series 2, Vol. 6, No. 1, Feminist and Post-Colonial Approaches (Spring 1994), pp. 63-70. In this article, Bell pairs John Smith with a contemporary romance fiction author, Susan Donnell, and excoriates them both for speaking for Pocahontas. Their words, she writes, reveal little about Pocahontas, but much about themselves, none of it good.
To be fair to Bell (but perhaps not to Donnell), it appears that Donnell may have deserved the criticism, though I can't say for sure, having only heard of her from this article. But Smith, on the other hand, is poorly served, which is why I feel compelled to comment.
Among Bell's references to Smith are:
- "The most influential writer on the life of Pocahontas was John Smith. He was her first teacher in the English language and culture and, he would have us believe, her teacher in sex and love." p. 65
- "Can we, in our dream of recovery, find more than a woman's silence and cultural betrayal in the history of Pocahontas? Or will we, like John Smith, only inscribe our own fantasies on her inert body?" p. 70
Now I have poured through the John Smith mentions of Pocahontas, and I have yet to find a reference to him teaching Pocahontas about sex and love. And to say that his writings about her represent ONLY his fantasies about her is clearly false. That Bell might think so could have something to do with her not having read any of Smith's writings, which is what I assume based on Smith not appearing in her list of sources.
Think of the irony here; Smith is a villain for presuming to write about Pocahontas, who wrote no words of her own. Meanwhile, Bell can write falsehoods about Smith because she can't be bothered to read any of his voluminous writings.
"Pocahontas: 'Little Mischief' and 'The Dirty Men'", by Betty Louise Bell at JSTOR
'Fever' - an example from popular culture
People who grew up in the 1950s may remember Peggy Lee's 1958 jazzy cover version of Fever, which references a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith. The lyrics, attributed to Peggy Lee, Eddie Cooley, and John Davenport (real name, Otis Blackwell), include the lines below. Peggy Lee appears to have been the actual writer of the lines in blue, as they don't appear on the original Little Willie John version of the song by Cooley & Davenport.
People who grew up in the 1950s may remember Peggy Lee's 1958 jazzy cover version of Fever, which references a romance between Pocahontas and John Smith. The lyrics, attributed to Peggy Lee, Eddie Cooley, and John Davenport (real name, Otis Blackwell), include the lines below. Peggy Lee appears to have been the actual writer of the lines in blue, as they don't appear on the original Little Willie John version of the song by Cooley & Davenport.
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Captain Smith and Pocahontas
Had a very mad affair When her daddy tried to kill him She said, "Daddy, oh don't you dare" He gives me fever with his kisses Fever when he holds me tight Fever I'm his missus And daddy won't you treat him right Fever by Peggy Lee on YouTube |
The Sot-weed Factor
by John Barth (1960)
Doubleday
Full text on the Internet Archive
There's another instance of Pocahontas in 'popular culture' that I just have to mention, if only because I remember being blown away by this book when I read it some 35 years ago. It's a long one, so those who haven't finished War & Peace yet may never find the time for it. But it's funny, and the writing style, a parody of Henry Fielding (Tom Jones) or Laurence Sterne (Tristram Shandy), is fairly incredible. The book is not really about Pocahontas and Smith, but it includes a highly irreverent take on the imagined relationship between them, the details of which I won't reveal here. Edmund Fuller in The New York Times had this to say:
"Barth's masterstroke is an outrageously funny, villainously slanderous, alleged secret journal of Capt. John Smith. Its version of the Pocahontas story and other events is truly Rabelaisian and marvelously executed." (link to article)
by John Barth (1960)
Doubleday
Full text on the Internet Archive
There's another instance of Pocahontas in 'popular culture' that I just have to mention, if only because I remember being blown away by this book when I read it some 35 years ago. It's a long one, so those who haven't finished War & Peace yet may never find the time for it. But it's funny, and the writing style, a parody of Henry Fielding (Tom Jones) or Laurence Sterne (Tristram Shandy), is fairly incredible. The book is not really about Pocahontas and Smith, but it includes a highly irreverent take on the imagined relationship between them, the details of which I won't reveal here. Edmund Fuller in The New York Times had this to say:
"Barth's masterstroke is an outrageously funny, villainously slanderous, alleged secret journal of Capt. John Smith. Its version of the Pocahontas story and other events is truly Rabelaisian and marvelously executed." (link to article)
Relevant Documents
- A True Relation by Captain John Smith, 1608 at Virtual Jamestown
- A Description of New England, 1616 (PDF)
- New England's Trials by Captain John Smith, 1620 (rare first edition, PDF)
- The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England and the Summer Isles by Captain John Smith (PDF)
- John Smith's Letter to Queen Anne; an excerpt from The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles (html)
- The text of the Proceedings can be found in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith at Virtual Jamestown.
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(C) Kevin Miller 2018
Updated July 30, 2019
