Notes in the Margins

Notes in the Margins - Love & Hate in Jamestown

I take notes on the books I read, but these notes are mainly of interest to myself. Rather than include them on the 'Books for Adults' page, I'll put them here. The point is to use my margin notes as jumping off points to do a little further research and make some commentary. This is a low priority page, but over time, I've come to see its value. I've forced myself to dig deeper and look into details and try to discover why the author made certain claims. So far, I've only managed to deal with the first half of the 2003 David Price book, Love & Hate in Jamestown. I had hoped to eventually get to Townsend and others, but that seems increasingly unlikely.. Nevertheless, I hope serious students of the Jamestown story may find some points of interest here.

Love & Hate in Jamestown; John Smith, Pocahontas and the Start of a New Nation
by David A. Price (2003)
Vintage Books, a division of Random House, Inc. New York
ISBN-9781400031726

I just reread this book (March 2018). It was one of the first books I read on the subject of Jamestown (after the two Tilton books), and I really enjoyed it on my first reading (and second, too). I had long wondered if the reason I liked it was because it was one of the first, and a second reading would put it in better perspective. While I do have more nitpicks the second time around, I still really like this book. That doesn't mean I give John Smith as much credence as Price does. For him, the Jamestown story is pretty much equal to the John Smith story. Nevertheless, I like how he organized the story and explained all the pertinent parts. The writing style is excellent, and it's so readable. Anyway, below are my margin notes with some commentary.

Smith more reliable than Percy p 28, 29

I have a page on this website devoted to John Smith's credibility or lack thereof, and this Price comment seemed pertinent. John Smith and George Percy wrote about the same incident, and Price noticed a difference in their attitudes. On first arriving on Virginia soil, and being charged by a small group of Indians, Percy wrote that the Indians retreated "after they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the sharpness of our shot." John Smith wrote that Newport "made a shot at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent their arrowes retyred without harme." Price thinks the difference in the two accounts illustrates Percy's upper class bravado, while Smith offers a more measured appraisal of the Indians' attitude. I think this is interesting conjecture, but since Smith wasn't actually there during the incident, I'm not sure we can give this too much importance. I'm not a fan of George Percy, but I don't know that we can judge him based on these lines. In the excitement of that moment, it was probably a pretty accurate description of what he felt.

Settlers not allowed to write letters that discourage others p 32

The Virginia Company gave instructions to the expedition that no one would be allowed to return to England without permission of the president and council, and that "the public at home was not to hear bad news; no one would be allowed to 'write any letter of any thing that may discourage others' [2]" from the "Instructions Given by Way of Advice," 1606. This may be relevant to the question of how much John Smith's first letter was edited before publication.

Prophecy p 41

I have a Controversies page devoted to the supposed prophecy (prophecies actually), and Price's paragraph here is one account of that. Price writes, "One of Powhatan's priests had delivered a Delphic prophecy: A nation would arise from the Chesapeake Bay and overcome his empire. After consulting with his council of advisers, Powhatan duly ordered the extermination of the Chesapeake tribe, which became extinct that day. The English, of course, had themselves come from the Chesapeake Bay; soon Powhatan and his advisers would have to decide whether it was the English who were the objects of the prophecy, and if so, what to do about them." The source of the prophecy is Strachey 1612 p. 101. This prophecy is obviously very dramatic, so you have to wonder if it really existed or was created after the fact. I am always skeptical about prophecies, as we only hear of them when they came true, and they are quickly forgotten when they don't come to pass. In this case, the prophecy seems to have been made prior to or contemporary with the events it describes. Interesting.

Learning Algonquian p 42

On Newport's first exploration up the James River to assess its value for finding 'minerals,' Smith was one of the 23 men. While with the Arrohattocs, the group employed a guide named Nauiraus. Price writes, "In their spare time--actually, they had nothing but spare time--the men learned a bit of Algonquian from Nauiraus. [4]" citing Smith 1608 p. 31. Smith is one of our sources for Algonquian words in the Powhatan dialect.

Wingfield ‘Ill equipped’ to lead p 45

"On their way out, the [Indian] messengers pointed out to Newport and Wingfield that the English would be safer if they cut down the long grass around the fort. No doubt the natives were puzzled that the colony's leadership had not already thought this through on its own, after a week of attacks in which the enemy always used the grass to achieve surprise. That Wingfield needed the suggestion in the first place was ample testimony that he was ill-equipped to deal with the near-crisis situation. [9]". Citing Archer, A Relation (1607). This is an interesting anecdote, but I'm not sure it's 'ample testimony' as Price claims. Wingfield had many years of military experience, but he, like Smith, also had enemies among the colonists, including Archer, the person who recorded this. In fact, we have to wonder why Archer hadn't pointed this out himself.

Drama p 45, 46

According to Price, Capt. Newport, just before departing for England on a re-supply voyage, spoke with Wingfield about his feelings re. his leadership of the colony. Wingfield expressed faith in co-councilor Gosnold, but expressed concern about the ambitions of co-councilor Gabriel Archer. Newport then passed on these comments to Archer (as well as Gosnold), which appeared to have further damaged relations between them. Citing Wingfield, Discourse (1608). In Wingfield's actual writing, this exchange could easily be overlooked, so I'm impressed that Price found it. On the other hand, it's possible Price made too much of it, but it makes for an interesting and dramatic story. Following are the actual words of Wingfield from A Discourse:

"Captayne Newport, haueing allwayes his eyes and eares open to the proceedings of the Collonye, 3 or 4 dayes before his departure asked the President how he thought himself settled in the gouernment: whose answere was, that no disturbance could indaunger him or the Collonye, but it must be wrought eyther by Captayne Gosnold or Mr Archer; for the one was strong wth freinds and followers, and could if he would; and the other was troubled wth an ambitious spirit, and would if he could.

The Captayne gave them both knowledge of this, the President's opinion; and moued them, with many intreaties, to be myndefull of their dutyes to His Matie and the Collonye." (A Discourse of Virginia) 1608

Powhatan’s failure to eliminate settlers p 50

This is interesting. Where some may see compassion or diplomacy on the part of Powhatan, Price sees a "lack of leadership." Anyway, here's his quote:

"By this time [summer 1607], nearly half of the colonists were dead. In their time of weakness, the colonists assumed the natives would come to finish them off, and so they waited, "each houre expecting the fury of the salvages." To the colonists' great surprise, however, the natives instead began bringing corn and other provisions from a recent harvest to trade--enough to get the survivors back on their feet. [14]

The move reflected another failure of leadership, this time on the part of Chief Powhatan. The chief of chiefs was no doubt getting reconnaissance reports about the long series of burials at Jamestown. Yet he evidently failed to realize just how weak the foreigners were by this point, and how easily he could have put an end to them. What he apparently focused on instead were the beads, hatchets, and other English goods that his tribesmen could obtain through bargaining, and which they did indeed obtain. It was a small price for the colonists to pay for their lives."

Interesting psychological assessment re. settler apathy p 55

"Smith's phraseology suggests that many were simply resigned to dying in Virginia sooner or later, and had stopped caring about it -- a state of mind that the twentieth-century psychiatrist Victor Frankl called 'emotional death.' Frankl, a concentration camp survivor, observed that those prisoners who forestalled emotional death were the ones who felt a deep-seated purpose in their lives: a desire to see a loved one again, an ambition to carry out some scientific or creative accomplishment. {5] In literal terms, of course, the world of the colonists could not have been more different from that of concentration camp inmates, considering the natural abundance that Virginia offered the colonists for the taking. Yet it takes no great leap to envision certain of the colonists -- having come to Virginia for no higher purpose than easy riches, cut off from the English social establishment that defined them, and possibly rejected by their own families -- falling into apathy as the gritty reality of Jamestown life hit them."

I think you have to consider this possibility on top of the diseases the settlers already suffered from.

On Smith’s negotiating ability p 56

I like how Price expanded on Smith's writings here. Smith's own words were:

"I was sent to the mouth of the river to Kegquohtan an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the river for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offered us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In like maner I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, or any that shewe extraordinary kundnes, I liberally confronted with free gifte such trifles as wel contented them.

Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the Town, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne, and force, to houses: which weell understanding with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread, and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, being no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs; for well I might with twentie man have fraighted a Shippe with Corne::" - from A True Relation (1608)

Price's words, mixed with Smith's are as follows

"President Ratcliffe directed Smith to go to the town of the Kecoughtans ... and trade for corn. When Smith and his small party reached their settlement at the mouth of the James River, however, the Kecoughtans were dismissive. The English, for all their showy weaponry, had demonstrated that they could not feed themselves--a damning indictment in the natives' eyes. 'The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offered us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper:'

Smith understood that he would never get anywhere as long as the Kecoughtans (accurately) believed the English to be weak and desperate. 'In like scorne,' he offered them one-sided bargains. To bolster the image of economic strength that he sought to project, he liberally dispensed small gifts--beads and the like--to the children. Then he retired to his boat for the night.

The next day the Kecoughtans' attitude had changed, now 'no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne.' Smith and his men traded with them for fish, oysters, bread and venison; the natives bartered so eagerly that he wished he had brought more men and a larger vessel." p. 56

On Smith’s foreign language ability p 57

"During Smith's years of European military service, acquiring the rudiments of alien tongues had proven to be an essential skill; it seems he could speak at least pidgin French, Dutch, and Italian, and probably one or more local Central European languages. Given that background, and given Smith's frequent involvement with the natives, it was inevitable that he would emerge as one of the colony's more effective speakers of Algonquian. That process was already under way, as Smith started to build up his vocabulary in the course of his trading. Among the phrases he left behind in his phrase book are ka ka torawincs yowo, meaning 'What call you this?' " p. 57

Price then lists some of the words Smith learned by this method.

This is interesting, and I have often wondered about Smith's language ability. Living in Japan and being interested in languages, I know that some people pick up conversational ability in a foreign tongue fairly easily. Having written references can be immensely helpful, and Smith obviously didn't have that, so he had to begin his own glossary. I'm willing to accept the possibility that Smith caught on as quickly as the exceptional people I've met in my own life, On the other hand, I have no doubt that Smith exaggerated at times what he understood and could get across. In particular, his alleged discourse on astronomy to Opechancanough during his capture should clearly be beyond his ability, a point which Price acknowledges:
"How much, if at all, Smith was able to communicate these grand sentiments within the limits of his workday Algonquian language skills is unknown. The chief listened with apparent interest." p. 62

Settlers shamed Smith into exploring? p 58

"Smith now came under a different sort of pressure, namely to make progress on the search for a continental river passage. ... Smith began hearing 'idle exceptions' against his failure to finish exploring the Chickahominy, with an imputation of cowardice. One can only speculate how concerned these voices really were about carrying out the company's instructions, and how much they simply hoped that Smith would have a fatal encounter with the natives and not come back--thus opening the way for them to return to the old country. [9]" p. 58, 59

This interesting speculation comes from a line in The Proceedings, Chap. 2, where Smith wrote, "But our comædies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamine river, and taxed by the Councell, to bee too slowe in so worthie an attempt." Price gives the credit to Barbour (1964) for this idea, but I commend Price for his careful reading in any case.

Price places Pocahontas at council with Powhatan to decide his fate. p 66

"Also watching the events was a girl, between ten and twelve years of age, a daughter of the emperor by one of the hundred or so wives he had taken over the decades. She was pretty, and no doubt had fully earned the nickname 'Pocahontas'--'little wanton'--with her feisty, mischievous nature." p. 66

Price's only evidence for her being there turns out to be his belief that the legendary rescue actually happened, so obviously, in his mind, she had to be there.

Price’s speculation on Pocahontas's motives for rescuing him, p 68

"Just why Pocahontas interceded is impossible to know for certain. Smith attributed it to her compassion for a man in distress. Others through the centuries have put a romantic gloss on the scene, holding that Pocahontas was infatuated with him. Still another possibility is that she had some pragmatic purpose in mind for him, as the requirement of the bells, beads, and copper would suggest. Smith's own view of her motives is presumably due some extra weight, since, after all, he was there." p. 68

I find these lines by Price to be fairly incredible, and I don't mean that in a good way. He appears to be totally satisfied that Pocahontas was a free actor and independently saved Smith at a council of adults. And that last line; so Pocahontas may have thrown her head over Smith's in order to save him and get some extra beads? I like Price, but this might be the worst paragraph in the whole book

Archer & Ratcliffe vs Smith p 70, 71

"During the month that [Smith] had been gone, President Ratcliffe had sworn in a new member of the council, over the ineffectual objections of the still-sickly John Martin. The new councilor, who had not been named to the council in London's instructions, was Gabriel Archer--yet another lawyer and another gentleman antagonist of John Smith. Archer had long been ambitious for a place on the council, which conferred status and also came with a salary attached. With the onset of winter, however, the reasons behind Archer's interest had become more urgent; he, along with some other gentlemen (possibly including the president himself), was ready to go home. Of the original 105 colonists, only some 40 were left alive." p. 71

Price then goes on to relate, based on Smith's account, how Smith stopped a group of 10-12 gentlemen (presumably led by Ratcliffe and Archer) from commandeering the Discovery back to England by ordering cannons and muskets pointed at them. In retaliation, and after the dust had settled, Ratcliffe and Archer charged Smith with the deaths of Thomas Emry and Jehu Robinson on their ill-fated trip up the Chickahominy. Smith's execution was scheduled for the next day, but in an amazing stroke of luck, Captain Newport arrived from crossing the Atlantic in the nick of time and stayed the execution, freeing Smith. This intrigue is such an amazing story, but it's corroborated independently by Wingfield, who was also being held captive. It's extraordinary stories like these that make it difficult for me to entirely discount the John Smith rescue by Pocahontas, since the Jamestown story is so full of incredible details.

Todkill as chronicler? p 77

"Todkill overheard Smith arguing with his employer, councilor Martin, over the project. "Never did anything more torment him [Smith], then to see all necessary business neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much gilded durt.' " [15] p. 77

At the time I made this note, I was unaware that Anas Todkill was an original chronicler, but this sentence comes from Chap. 3 of The Proceedings, and the line is attributed to Todkill by Barbour (1964).

Price not clear if Pocahontas went to Jamestown alone. p 77

"Amid Smith's aggravations, he found respite from time to time in the visits of a young acquaintance. [Pocahontas] ... Whether she visited furtively or with her father's knowledge in unclear, but it is doubtful that Powhatan would have knowingly let his daughter go to Jamestown alone and make herself vulnerable to capture by the untrustworthy colonists. [15] p. 77, 78

In Smith's first mention of Pocahontas going to Jamestown, she was in the company of her brother Rawhunt. In his other mentions, Smith omits who was with her. Rountree (2005) wrote this on the topic: "It is safe to say ... that she did not go alone on those occasions. It was not so much that she needed bodyguards, for her hostage value was not very high yet. Nor need she fear being sexually assaulted by a lawless foreigner, since William Strachey's remark indicates that adult women made themselves available on occasion (no female aliens would arrive from England until the fall of that year). She was not a 'princess' who required an entourage to uphold her status. A girl in her world who was about to turn twelve could perfectly well have found her way to Jamestown alone, once she got across the York River via dugout canoe. But it would not have occurred to her to try. The fact is that Powhatan females simply did not go around alone; neither, much of the time, did males." Pocahontas, Powhatan, Opechancanough (2005), p. 105.

I don't share Rountree's certainty about the above information, especially that she would not have been assaulted because other women were available. I do, however, agree that Pocahontas probably did not visit Jamestown alone.

Smith destroys Native homes and canoes p 81

"The petty assaults from the Powhatans continued, culminating in the apprehension one afternoon of a dozen natives. These men became prisoners, joining another four or five natives that the English were already holding for one reason or another. When the Powhatans observed the next day that their men had not returned, they twice sent emissaries to speak with Smith. Each time, Smith sent a bellicose message back: the Powhatans must return all the English spades, shovels, swords, and tools they had stolen--or the prisoners would hang tomorrow.

Soon there was another message from the Powhatans. They reported they had captured two Englishmen, who had been foraging in the woods behind the fort. These men would be returned, Powhatan's messenger said, in exchange for the sixteen or so men held by the English.

Smith was not an inhumane man, fundamentally. But where Newport wanted to be loved, Smith had read his Machiavelli and felt it was better to be feared. Nor was Smith interested in a drawn-out game of tit-for-tat. He laid a plan to let the natives 'know what we durst [dared] to do.' That night, with the approval of President Ratcliffe and councilor Martin, Smith set out on his first offensive in Virginia. He and Scrivener led a party of Englishmen on the barge to a series of native towns on the river, where they left a path of destruction--the natives' highly ignitable buildings burned, their canoes wrecked. ... Although no native lives were taken, it was a costly and painful loss for them. Each of the canoes had been laborious to build: the natives had to hollow out a large log by burning it partway, and then form the desired shape by scraping the log inside and out with clamshells. The two English prisoners were returned the next day, with no mention of the prisoners that the English held." p. 81

In Smith's own words from A True Relation (2008), the account is:

"The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as Embassadors for their men. They desired to speake with me..Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne to bring home: if not, the next day, they should hang. The next newes was, they had taken two of our men ranging in the woods (which mischiefe ' no punishment will prevent but hanging): and these they would, should redeeme 2 their owne 16. or 18.; thus braving us to our doores.

We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that afternoone to sally upon them, that they might but know what we durst do: and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt their Townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could. But they brought our men, and freely delivered them." p. 67, A True Relation, in American Journeys

Since the English held 16 natives vs the 2 Englishmen held by the Indians, this attack by Smith's men seems harsh, but it's difficult to argue with the results.

Macanoe tells Smith of Powhatan's plan to lull settlers, then kill them. This is before the 2nd Pocahontas rescue. p 82, 83

Price devotes two pages to a story of separating Indian prisoners and threatening them to get information on Powhatan plans against the colony. Macanoe emerges as an individual apparently fingered by one fearful prisoner as someone close to Paspahegh leadership. According to this account, Macanoe, after being threatened with torture, provided the following information:
1) When Smith had been captured and taken to Werowocomoco, it was by a 'hunting' party made up of Paspahegh, Chickahominy, Youghtamund, Pamnunkey, Mattaponi and Kiskiack men.
2) The Paspahegh and the Chickahominy were planning an attack on the colony in order to procure tools and weapons.
3) Powhatan was planning to lure Newport and other English leaders inland with seemingly friendly intentions for the purpose of feasting them and then ambushing them. Smith speculates after hearing this that Powhatan had sent Thomas Savage back to the colony to prevent him from learning of the planned attack. Price also says that colonist John Martin was sticking up for Powhatan's friendly intentions at this time. By further threatening the Indians, Smith was told that the Paspahegh and the Chickahominy tribes hated the English and were planning attacks on the colony. Price then writes:

"Smith the realist had long understood that the colony's neighbors hated the English. Not only that, they would hate the English no matter what the English did to make themselves lovable--short of packing up and going back home. Where the colonists saw themselves merely as occupying some fallow, unused ground, the natives plainly had come to regard their presence as an unwanted intrusion. The Virginia Company was not ready to assimilate this unpleasant piece of data." p. 83

I wonder if the 6 tribes mentioned were actually hunting together, but perhaps they needed to do so as protection from the Monacans, a Siouan tribe not friendly to the Powhatans. The story of Smith being told of a Powhatan plan to lure Newport and others to an attack is interesting, as it makes clear that Smith would not have needed any warning from Pocahontas. Of course, Pocahontas could not have known that. The actual Smith record of this whole interaction is somewhat confusing, and Price makes it comprehensible to the modern reader, though I wonder if Price got the details exactly right. However, I have no immediate plans to analyze and verify this point.

Price says Rawhunt, not Pocahontas spoke for return of captives. p 83

Price recounts how two emissaries from Powhatan, Rawhunt and Pocahontas, appear at the fort to seek release of the captive Indians. Price describes Rawhunt extending a gift of deer and bread, then apologizing for the behavior of the Indians who were captive. Pocahontas is described as saying nothing, though her presence served to remind Smith of the debt he owed (i.e., his rescue at the hands of Pocahontas. Price, remember, is a true believer in the rescue.).

Price understandably conflates the two John Smith versions of this story into one simpler one. It seems reasonable that Rawhunt, the adult warrior and messenger, would have been doing the talking rather than Pocahontas. We should remember, however, that Smith told two versions of this story; one in which Rawhunt is there with Pocahontas, and one in which only Pocahontas is mentioned by name, along with some nameless messengers.

The two versions (with a third that is virtually the same as the second):

A True Relation (1608)
"He [Rawhunt] with a long circumstance told mee how well Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me, a Deere and bread besides for a present: desiring me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly, his litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also: not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate their libertie."

The Proceedings (1612)
“… he sent his messengers and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him, of the injuries done by his subjects, desiring their liberties, with the assurance of his love. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction hee thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he fained to save their lives and graunt them liberty.”

The second version is repeated by Smith in The Generall Historie (1624)
" ... yet he [Powhatan] sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash untoward Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, and then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to have saved their lives, and gave them libertie."

Price justifies Smith’s violence p 84

"The [Indian] prisoners evidently went on to spread the word of their ordeal to their countrymen: the English, at least in the persons of Smith and Scrivener, were to be feared. The native attacks came to an end for the time being. [5]" Price, p. 84

"After ward, certain 'councel' (who could only have been Ratcliffe and Martin) censured Smith for his cruelty. To modern ears, that charge sounds apt enough. Smith's supporters, such as Anas Todkill, argued in his defense that 'none was slaine to any man's knowledge'; his modus operandi had been to instill fear, not to slaughter.[6] Smith's actions in the spring of 1608, especially the ravaging of the villages, were a template to which he would return time and again, and he made no apologies for them. It is clear that he respected the talents and intelligence of the native leaders more than he did the leaders of his own side, but he also meant for the colony to survive. The alternative to intimidation was not love and friendship; it was open war--which the English, in 1608, would have lost to the last man." p 84

I note this passage for its commentary on Smith's relationship to the Indians.

Namontack is advertised in London as a prince p 84

Price devotes a paragraph to Powhatan youth Namontack's trip to England to be exhibited at court and among the Virginia investors. This visit foreshadows the later visit by Pocahontas for the same purpose. Apparently Namontack was billed as a Powhatan prince (he is said to have actually been a servant boy to Powhatan), which is an even greater deceit than the later billing of Pocahontas as a princess. Interestingly, Spanish ambassador, Zúñiga, saw through the ruse:

'This Newport brought a lad who they say is the son of the emperor of those lands and they have coached him that when he sees the King he is not to take off his hat, and other things of this sort, so I have been amused by the way they honor him, for I hold it for surer that he must be a very ordinary person.' Zúñiga, in Price, p. 84

Naked dance of Pocahontas and other women for Smith p 92, 93

As we know, Smith gave two versions of this naked fertility dance in his writings, one in which Pocahontas is not mentioned (1612), and a later version (1624) where he inserts Pocahontas into the mix as someone who reassures Smith that no harm is intended. Price chooses to place Pocahontas at the scene. I don't blame Price for going with this version; I am more irritated at Smith for giving us alternate versions to begin with. Price then alludes to the sexual aftermath of the dance:

"The women left and then reappeared, this time inviting Smith to their house; there, they found it amusing to crowd around him, chanting 'Love you not me? Love you not me?; Smith and his men afterward enjoyed an evening of banqueting, singing, and dancing with them. The women then conducted each visitor to his sleeping quarters--and here Smith's account of the evening chastely ends. It was customary, however, for native chiefs to provide honored guests with a bedmate, and it can be assumed that the dancers and the Englishmen continued their entertainment into the night. [24]" p. 93

Price's sources for the "it was customary ... to provide honored guests with a bedmate" were 1) Smith (1612), 2) Beverly (1705), and Rountree (1989, p. 91. The relevant Rountree quote is presumably this one: "Women formed part of the hospitality dispensed to important visitors to the Indian towns." from Rountree's The Powhatan Indians of Virginia - Their Traditional Culture, p. 91.

Smith not present at coronation? p 93

Price states that John Smith was not present at Newport's coronation of Powhatan. I'm having a hard time confirming this, as the record in the Proceedings is vague on what Smith was doing at that time if he was not with Newport. I'll have to continue looking for evidence of this, though I won't devote all of my time to it. It's probably not that important, but in principle I'd like to be able to confirm or deny the events as stated by Price. The specific quote in Price is:

"After Smith and his party returned to Jamestown with the news, Newport sent Powhatan's presents ahead to Werowocomoco on three barges--including an English bed, a washbasin, a pitcher, a scarlet cloak, a pair of shoes, and some other furniture and clothing. Newport and his party, which did not include Smith, went by foot." p. 93

On the next page, Price added the following:

"At Newport's direction, Smith had stayed behind at the fort to lead eighty or so colonists in starting to produce small quantities of glass, pitch, tar, potash, and clapboard to send home as samples." p. 94

This passage would indicate what Smith had been up to; I just need to confirm that it happened at the same time as the coronation.

Newport expected to fill returning boats with Powhatan and Monacan grain? p 97

This comment by Price seems to come from Chap. VII of The Third Booke of The Proceedings. It's a somewhat muddled passage, but the writer, presumably Smith, laments how the Second Supply captained by Newport brought 70 new colonists, but almost no provisions to feed them, as the London company expected the colonists to be able to feed themselves or procure corn from the Powhatans and Monacans. "... but to send ... seventie more without victualls to worke, was not so well advised nor considered of, as it should have beene. Yet this could not have hurt us had they beene 200, though then we were 130 that wanted for ourselves. For we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuals for 500." (Horn, p. 355). Ultimately, Powhatan, after the ill-fated 'coronation', extended them only 7 or 8 bushels of corn: "... in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we returned to the Fort." Newport then took some men to attempt trade with the Monacans, but he did even less well there. "Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither used us well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct us the way. ... Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not; for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine, and discontent, to have onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitless certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold us." (Horn, p. 359). Smith seems to have been pleased with his "I told you so" moment. He then went on to include the incident in his letter to the Treasurer and Councell of Virginia; "As for the two ships loading of Corne Newport promised to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but fourteene Bushels, and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke and neare famished." (Hore, p. 364). The number of bushels somehow doubled in the latter version.

Warning to Smith before 2nd rescue p 99

Powhatan, knowing the settlers were desperate, made an offer to supply corn in exchange for swords, guns and various trade goods. Smith agreed to trade, but he had no intention of supplying swords and guns to the Powhatans. Smith took some goods along with two dozen men up the river and stopped at the Warraskoyack village. The chief there, Tackonekintaco, warned Smith of a plot by Powhatan. "... [Tackonekintacko] cautioned Smith against continuing the journey. Powhatan may treat you well at first, he told Smith, but he has sent for you only for the chance to seize your weapons and cut your throats. Smith thanked him for the advice, but he had already decided to take his chances. He left the boy Samuel Collier in Tackonekintaco's care to learn the language as Thomas Savage had, and continued on.(2)" (Price, p. 99) The actual passage from The Proceedings goes as follows: "This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no oportunitie to seize on your Armes, for he hath sent for you onely to cut your throats." (Horn, p. 368)

This passage is extremely interesting, as it depicts this chief siding with Smith against Powhatan, presumably for the gain he might get by cooperating with the settlers. Of course, it may have been made up or embellished, but with numerous writers/witnesses in The Proceedings, that seems unlikely. The passage is also interesting for how it foreshadows the warning by Pocahontas, which allegedly occurred shortly thereafter.

Long explanation of 2nd rescue, including motives p 103

Price writes in much detail about the tense negotiations between Smith and Powhatan for food, which the colonists were desperate to have. He then recounts the night visit by Pocahontas to warn the English of a Powhatan plot against their lives. The plot was to kill the English as they ate, and if that did not succeed, attack with a larger force. Price then offers his speculation on the motives of Pocahontas: "Her forewarning Smith points toward strong feelings of attraction on her part--or, if not that, then some other extraordinarily powerful motive. She had gone far beyond a daughter's headstrong defiance; this time she was taking a reckless chance with her life. She had come through the woods in mortal fear of being detected. She knew that if a sentry spotted her and reported back to Powhatan, it would be the end for her. She had been his favorite daughter for a lifetime, but he would not be inclined toward leniency if she were caught in the act of treason. Worse, she now had to run the same risk going back.
"That she had been drawn to Smith was unsurprising. He was a strong leader of his people, as her father was of his, and he was capable in the masculine arts of hunting and fighting, which Powhatan girls were brought up to admire. He did not seek her out, as a besotted boy of her own tribe would have done, yet he was approachable to her, and warm." (Price, p. 103)

The second "rescue" of Smith is not quite as famous as the one that occurred during Smith's first visit (as a captive) to Werowocomoco, but it has been depicted in various dramatic works of art. Historians have debated whether this actually happened, but it seems to be generally considered plausible, since Smith told the story several times and from 1612 in The Proceedings. This is in contrast to the more famous rescue, which didn't see the light of day until 1622/1624, years after Pocahontas had died. Price speculates that Pocahontas's attraction to Smith provided the motive for this dangerous act, and that is generally in line with what other writers prior to Price have offered. Her motive would not have been 'better trade relations' as with the example of Tackonekintacko in the example immediately previous to this one, nor would it have been done for a reward, as Pocahontas refused any reward for her information (according to Smith). Nevertheless, the whole story is mysterious and thought-provoking. Could Pocahontas really have been a traitor against her father and tribe? That's an idea that Americans used to embrace in a time when Indians were the 'enemy,' but nowadays puts her in a bad light. Lumping Pocahontas with Romeo and Juliet together for going against their family for the sake of true love has been the best explanation people have managed to come up with. An outlying idea is that she did this at the behest of Powhatan to ensure Smith's safety while also instilling fear in the English in an effort to discourage them from continually pestering the tribes for corn. Finally, we have to consider the possibility that the story had been embellished to some degree, despite Smith sticking to it in several writings.

More on the '2nd rescue' in this website

Despite the danger, settlers left Edward Brinton with the Powhatans? p 104

Price notes that after an anxious wait for high tide, Smith and the group of English soldiers finally were able to leave Werowocomoco and head back to Jamestown, As casually as in the original account, Price writes, "... the two sides kept up the veneer of amicability, the English striving to appear as friendly to the Powhatans as 'they to us.' They sailed at high tide, and left behind Edward Brinton to shoot wildfowl for the Powhatans (and to serve as observer and informant for the English)." (Price, p. 104)

Apparently I made this note to myself to check the original chronicler writing on this, as it seemed strange to me that the English could just leave Brinton there after such a tense interaction that nearly resulted in the deaths of the entire party. The incident is repeated a couple times in Smith's writings, but in the first telling, it goes like this: "But our own barge being left by the ebb, caused us to staie, til the midnight tide carried us safe abord, having spent that halfe night with such mirth, as though we never had suspected or intended any thing, we left the Dutchmen to build, Brinton to kil fowle for Powhatan (as by his messengers he importunately desired) and left directions with our men to give Powhatan all the content they could, that we might injoy his company at our returne from Pamaunke." (The Proceedings, from Horn (2007) p. 87).

The second telling (The Generall Historie, Proceedings, Third Booke) is a paraphrase of the first: "Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, til it was high-water, yet seemed to the salvages as friendly as they to us; and that wee were so desirous to give Powhatan content, as hee requested, wee did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutch-men to finish his house ..." (The Generall Historie, from Horn (2007) p. 375).

This is kind of an amazing footnote to the Jamestown story, and it's a pity we'll never hear Brinton's take on this. After nearly being killed (presumably) by the Powhatans, brick layer/hunter/soldier Edward Brinton was just left behind to do some duck hunting for Powhatan while the others made their escape with stores of corn. Good times.

Smith besting Opechancanough p 106

Price recounts the story of John Smith grabbing Opechancanough by the hair and holding a pistol to his chest pretty much as Smith told it in his own accounts. To think, that in this extremely tense moment, Smith could have made the oration that he claimed to have made, in the Powhatan language presumably (and if not, then who would have understood him?), and succeeded in getting his boats filled with corn is amazing if true, and in any case, almost unbelievable. The story has the aspect of a heroic gunslinger in a Western novel. I'm not sure what to think of it. If even partially true, we can imagine that the incident would have informed Opechancanough's hatred of the English and Smith in particular. I rather like Price's line: "He had lost no one and killed no one. His men felt an overwhelming sense of relief when they realized they had gotten out alive ..." (p. 107) Indeed, some of the soldiers composed a poem about the incident, a poem which is sometimes cited as confirmation that the story actually happened. (The poem appeared in The Generall Historie and was attributed to Michael and Viilliain Fettiplacc.)

Smith's alleged oration, while surrounded by warriors, was as follows: "If I be the marke [target] that you aim at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my ship ere I departed, and so you shall, or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses. Yet if as friends you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion." (9) p. 106.. Did Smith really say this? In English or the Powhatan language? We'll never know. At the very least, he would have had to reconstruct the oration much later in his journals, at which time he almost certainly would have embellished.

Promotional tract on plans for acquiring land p 111

Price quotes from a promotional tract aimed at securing investors to the Virginia Company. Entitled A Good Speed to Virginia (1609), by Robert Gray, it assured the English that this venture would not be following the cruel Spanish model of brutalizing the natives. It also asserted that the Indians would totally cooperate with English efforts. A long quote from the tract reads:

There is no intendment to take away from them [the natives] by force that rightfull inheritance which they have in that countrey, for they are willing to entertaine us, and have offered to yielde into our handes on reasonable conditions, more lande then we shall be able this long time to plant and manure and out of all question uppon easie composition with them, wee may have as much of their countrey yielded unto us, by lawful grant from them, as wee can or will desire, so that we goe to live peaceably among them, and not to supplant them ... (15)

Price then adds, "It was a reasonable description of the company's intentions, but a largely fictitious version of the natives' receptivity." p. 111. I'm not clear on the purpose of Price's qualifier "largely" in this passage, as the Indians obviously had no such inclinations. We can only wonder if the English of the time actually believed this or merely wished it and straight out lied to secure funding.

Next leader Sir Thomas Gates, veteran of Irish occupation p 112

Many of the books I've read emphasize the connection the Jamestown leaders had with the English occupation of Ireland. Apparently, brutality against the native population of Ireland and scorched earth tactics learned there carried over to how the English aimed to subdue the Chesapeake area Indians. As I write this (Nov. 2020), I'm also reading a book about Sir Walter Raleigh, and I'm learning about the wars England waged in Ireland where Raleigh got his early experience as a military leader. Apparently, Sir Thomas Gates fits into that mold as well.

Smith paid no respect to returning English leaders p 114

Smith had been named president of the colony in September of 1608, and in August of 1609, the first ships of the Third Supply arrived in Jamestown. Among the arrivals were John Ratcliffe and Gabriel Archer, with whom Smith had had run-ins before. They informed him that he was to be replaced as president immediately, but that the order for the change was aboard a ship that had gotten lost in a hurricane. (The Sea Venture was at that time shipwrecked in Bermuda.) With no actual written orders, Smith dismissed the news and went about his business as president. His one year term was to end in one month anyway, on Sept. 10, 1609. The reference to paying no respect is from the Archer observation: "[Smith] gave not any due respect to many worthy gentlemen that came in our ships."[18] The quote is referenced as coming from the Aug. 31, 1609 letter of Gabriel Archer.

I'm not sure why I noted this item, but I think I wanted to research how Smith specifically disrespected the gentlemen. Apparently, it was just his manner in not showing proper deference. and in not relinquishing his post as president.

19th Century historian Charles Dudley Warner, in his 1881 book Captain John Smith, had this commentary to make on the topic of Smith's disrespect: "... the attempt was made to supersede Smith even before his time expired, and without any authority (since the new commissions were still with Gates and Somers in Bermuda), for the reason that Smith did not pay proper respect to the newly arrived "gentlemen." Smith was no doubt dictatorial and offensive, and from his point of view he was the only man who understood Virginia, and knew how successfully to conduct the affairs of the colony. If this assumption were true it would be none the less disagreeable to the new-comers."

Interesting transition before arrival of Sea Venture p 114, 5

These pages recount some details about Smith's probably reaction to the arrival of the Third Supply. Price notes that the re-appearance of Ratcliffe, Percy and Archer was like a reunion of all the people Smith had quarreled with in previous years. Smith appears to have stood up to all of these men when they ordered him to give up his leadership position. The charter with written orders to do so was unavailable, it being on the Sea Venture, then shipwrecked in Bermuda. Apparently the company hoped to keep Smith employed in Virginia, but in a lesser role as the commander of a lookout garrison at the mouth of the James River. He would also be a member of a 9-person advisory council with no actual power. Smith was apparently at last persuaded to give up his presidency to the returning John Martin, who Smith found to be the least objectionable of the returning men, but after only a few hours of colonist-induced headaches, Martin turned the presidency back over to Smith. Ultimately, Smith was allowed to complete his term, which was to end shortly, on Sept. 10. Leadership was then to go to Francis West, younger brother of future Jamestown governor, Thomas West.

How do we know what Powhatan said here? (Smith not present) p 116

Price quotes Powhatan speaking through an interpreter to two German workers, Adam and Franz (aka Francis), "You that would have betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainly betray me to this great lord for your peace." This declaration was followed immediately by the death of Adam and Franz by warriors beating their heads with clubs. Price doesn't mention who the interpreter was or how this quote made it's way to Smith, who revealed it in the Generall Historie. [Horn, p. 405] I presume the interpreter was either Henry Spelman or Thomas Savage. Or perhaps Smith made this up?

Percy attacks Nansemonds p 118

Percy’s massacre of children p 142

Percy’s lack of leadership p 143

Only Smith expressed shame at her capture p 152

The Englishmen loved her p 154

Price says she loved English culture p 154

Ridiculous assumption about superiority of English culture over Indian customs p 154

Price assumes a Pocahontas divorce from Kocoum p 155

Speculation on Pocahontas’s looks p 155

Much speculation p 158

Great description of nasty conditions in London p 165, 6

Purchas was John Smith’s friend? p 167

Attire of Indians in Smith? p 167

Smith’s account shows little bias toward Indians, didn't write of conversion potential p 167

Smith speaks of Indian govt p 168

Price explains that Anas Todkill and about 6 others contributed to The Proceedings p 169

Strachey copied most of Smith’s writings in his own (1/3 of Strachey’s book is Smith) p 169

Smith went to Plymouth 7 years before the pilgrims p 171

Smith’s map inspired pilgrims in Leiden p 173

Price accepts letter to Queen Anne and I note it would be hard to falsify the motivations many years later. p 174

Purchas speaks with Tomocomo p 175

Tomocomo also at masque p 176

Smith met Tomocomo p 179

Smith’s excuses for not meeting Pocahontas more quickly p 179

Price’s interesting take on Smith’s reluctance to visit Pocahontas p 180

John Rolfe had not learned Pocahontas’s language p 181

Price accepts that Pocahontas preferred to stay in England p 181

Her sickness (Stith) p 182

Thomas left with Stukely p 183

Blames Argall; Rolfe weak of character p 183

Tomocomo didn’t like England, told as much to Opechancanough p 184

Argall thought Opechancanough believed him and Tomo was disgraced, but not so. Supports Custalow? p 184

Price assesses Powhatan who died April 1618 p 185

Reasons for Powhatan not eliminating Jamestown colony when he had the chance p. 185

Yearly admin gives 100 acres (from whom?) to first arrivals p 188

Four Burroughs: James, Henri, Kiccotan, Charles City p 188
Also Smythe’s Hundred & Martin’s Hundred

Sandys and ideas of govt p 189

Formation of govt p 190

Account of Ensign Harrison stealing corn from natives; story supports Custalow p 191

On colonists attempts to be fair while not considering their own presence to be a problem p 192

Granting land establishes a landmark precedent p 194

Tobacco farming with new African arrivals p 197

Slaves or indentured? p 197

Free blacks and a black slave owner p 198

Not recording blacks by name p 199

Indian servant of Thorpe dies in Eng p 202

Purpose of 1622 attack p 205

Opechancanough’s war had opposite effect p 219

Colonists estimates of Powhatan numbers in 1646 p. 221

Smith promised no gold to New England investors p 223

Realistic assessment of native motivations re. massacre p 225

General Historie of Virginia title comes after other similar titles. Also Va Company planned a tribute history but never completed p 226

On credibility of General Historie p 227

Praise for Smith p 234

Pocahontas’s rescue of Smith was not central to his story, more of a footnote p 241

Statement on rescue has ring of truth p 242

Another poison conspiracy theory p 246,, 247

Price refutes Rountree re Purchas commentary on rescue p 280